IRELAND Patricia O’HARA Centre for Co-operative Studies
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IRELAND Patricia O’HARA Centre for Co-operative Studies
Centre international de recherches et d'information sur l'économie publique, sociale et coopérative IRELAND Patricia O’HARA Centre for Co-operative Studies University College Cork June 1999 http://www.ulg.ac.be/ciriec/ IRELAND June 1999 Patricia O’HARA Centre for Co-operative Studies University College Cork 2 METHODOLOGICAL FORWARD In Ireland the concept of the « Third sector » as a distinct field of activity is not part of either academic or policy discourse. Therefore, there are few sources of knowledge of the sector as a whole. No category « Third sector » or « Social economy » exists in official statistics and we were unable to identify even one study which focused on employment in the Third sector, even as a secondary concern. Furthermore, there are no employment or labour market studies which provide data on employment in the Third sector or the Social economy. Indeed, relatively few studies even acknowledge its existence as a relevant category. Even by extending the scope of the topic we could identify only nine sources for Inventory Nr 1. The absence of such data presented the Irish research with a considerable challenge. In attempting to address the topic of employment in enterprises and organizations of the Third system and in completing the various inventories, we have tried to deal with the absence of both the conceptual categories and the data by using whatever limited documentary sources were available, however tangential to the topic. Inevitably, we have had to rely to a very considerable extent on personal enquiries and on interviews with key informants and there are significant gaps where the information simply was not available. One of the most frustrating aspects of the research was the realization that a lot of information did exist in individual organizations but that it had never been assembled for the purpose of understanding the nature and extent of employment in Third sector organizations. It became clear that it would be possible to arrive at a considerable understanding of employment in the Third sector and recent trends, through a systematic process of categorization of organizations and assembly of data from their records and those of public institutions which support them. However, the size and complexity of such a task was beyond the scope of the present study. Until such data are assembled and analysed, any understanding and comparative analysis of the Third sector in Ireland will inevitably be severely limited. Data from the Johns Hopkins Comparative Nonprofit Sector Project (see Salamon and Anheier, 1998) do throw some light on the sector in the various countries involved in the cross-national study and Ireland is included as one of the participant countries. However, the range of organizations and fields of activity covered by the term « non-profit activity » and included in the study is different from and wider than the present study. For instance, the Johns Hopkins Project includes the health, education and research sectors and this really skews the data in the Irish case as we shall see below. 3 I THE THIRD SYSTEM OR SOCIAL ECONOMY IN IRELAND Introduction Before turning to consideration of the Third sector, it is relevant to point out that the 1990s have been a period of exceptional economic growth in Ireland. Over the decade, GDP has grown by an average 7% per annum. Employment has increased by more than one quarter with unemployment falling from almost 16% in 1993 to 7% in 1998. During 1998 employment grew by 4.5%. In 1999, with an expected growth rate of three times the average, Ireland is expected to top the league of OECD countries for the fifth year in succession. Inflation is expected to fall under 2% and unemployment to close to 6%. Given these favourable economic conditions, Ireland has been dubbed the « celtic tiger » economy and can no longer be considered one of the poorer European states. Despite this growth, poverty and social exclusion persist; new jobs are being filled by young people, returned emigrants and women returning to the labour market. Many long-term unemployed people are significantly disadvantaged in a labour market which increasingly demands skills and formal qualification. Thus, skill shortages in some sectors coexist with significant levels of long-term unemployment. Up to one third of the population are at risk of poverty and Ireland has the second highest national level of child poverty in the EU. The government national anti-poverty strategy introduced in 1997 identified five key areas for action − educational disadvantage, long-term unemployment, income adequacy, disadvantaged urban areas and rural poverty − and has set objectives, targets and a number of policy actions in each of these areas. This, then, is the context of the Third sector/Social economy in Ireland. As pointed out in the forward, the types of organizations and enterprises identified as coming within the scope of the CIRIEC study (non-profit organizations, or those with particular organizational structures such as co-operatives) do exist in Ireland, but they are not grouped or identified as a distinct « Third sector » or included in official statistics under a separate heading. Despite this, organizations which generally correspond to the definition of the Third sector or Social economy have existed for a long time and are found under a range of classifications, which are not necessarily mutually exclusive. However, it seems useful to begin this report with a brief outline of various categories which can be included in this very diverse sector in order to convey some sense of the kinds and range of organizations involved. The Non-profit Tradition Non-profit organizations have played a very significant part in the provision and delivery of health, education and personal social services in Ireland. Much of this is associated with, and has evolved from, the activities of religious organizations, mainly the Roman Catholic Church. The churches had a very considerable role in the establishment and operation of services in the fields of health, education and welfare. In the health field for instance, the establishment of voluntary hospitals began in the early decades of the eighteenth century and gained momentum with the involvement of Catholic religious orders in the nineteenth 4 century. Catholic religious orders have also been dominant or sole providers in the fields of mental and physical disability, residential child care and care of the elderly. The Catholic Church has also had a very extensive involvement in education, and although the numbers of religious personnel have declined rapidly in the past two decades due to the fall off in religious vocations, the Catholic Church still has considerable influence in this field. Moreover, the organizational structures of education originally set up by the churches (i.e. non-profit schools) remain the dominant form. Consequently, it is not surprising to find that, in terms of the non-profit share of total employment, Ireland ranks near the top of the list of countries in the Johns Hopkins Comparative Nonprofit Sector Project. The Johns Hopkins Comparative Nonprofit Sector Project In this cross-national study total employment in the non-profit sector in Ireland in 1995 was estimated at 118 664. Employment in non-profit schools accounted for more than half (54%) of all the jobs in the non-profit sector and for 6% of all non-agricultural employment in Ireland. Four fifths of all non-profit employment was in the education and health sectors combined, amounting to some 96 110 full-time jobs. Not surprisingly, the pattern of nonprofit structure which Ireland exhibits is referred to as « education dominant » in the Johns Hopkins study. Ireland ranked well below the European average in virtually all other fields of activity, most notably in social services which accounted for only 4.5% of non-agricultural employment compared to the European average of 26.4%, and in culture where the comparable figures were 6 and 10% (Salamon and Anheier, 1998). The Co-operative Movement The co-operative movement has had a long tradition in Ireland, as the first co-operative dairy was established in 1889. By 1911 the number of dairy co-operatives had grown to 326 and the movement was a significant economic force in what was a predominantly agri-based economy until well past the mid-twentieth century. The strength of the movement has always been in the agricultural sector and dairy co-operatives have evolved into multi-purpose organizations while co-operative structures are prominent in agricultural inputs, livestock breeding and marketing. There were 255 agricultural and horticultural co-operatives registered in Ireland in 1996, employing 33 500 people and with a total of 186 000 members. In recent years increased international competitiveness has prompted agri-food co-operatives to pursue goals of rapid scale expansion. This has induced a number of the largest multipurpose co-operatives to merge and to source equity from the stock market by becoming publicly listed companies. While most have retained elements of their co-operative structures and principles in this context, the bigger organizations effectively operate as large transnational corporations. In the non-agricultural sector, growth in the numbers of organizations registering as cooperatives is quite modest. There were 678 non-agricultural commodity co-operatives in Ireland in 1996, employing an estimated 1 000 full-time staff equivalents and involving 78 000 members. 5 Credit Unions and other Mutuals Credit unions are mutual organizations whose members collectively save and lend to one another at a fair rate of interest. They are distinguished by the idea of a « common bond » which can be either community, occupational or associational and is the basis for membership and solidarity. There were 435 credit unions registered in the Republic of Ireland in 1997 and about 90% of these are community bond unions where the members live and work in the local area. Each credit union operates autonomously and profits are distributed to members in proportion to their transaction with the credit union, or may be used to provide additional services to members. The Credit Union movement relies heavily on volunteer workers but has become increasingly professionalized, particularly in larger communities. Credit Unions are run on a commercial basis and receive no state subsidies. The rest of the mutual sector is relatively insignificant, and comprises less than 100 organizations mainly involved in smallscale lending and insurance activity. The Voluntary and Community Sector The term « voluntary sector » or « voluntary and community sector » is used to describe organizations based largely on volunteer activity and this sector does include many which would be categorized as « associations and foundations ». Examples range from relatively large facilities providing health services, to professional associations, advocacy organizations and self-help organizations. Recent estimates suggest that there are about 500 voluntary organizations involved in such fields as social services provision, campaigning and advocacy, support and self-help, representation and co-ordination and cultural activity. Many such organizations have undergone significant professionalization in the past decade; those involved in advocacy and representation, for instance, have had to respond to the rapid modernization of Irish society and the increasingly complex and inclusive policy-making process. As yet however, the impact on employment in this sector has not been assessed and there are no statistics or data which track employment in the sector. It is also notable, that unlike other European states, there is no federal which represents the voluntary sector/voluntary organizations. Local Partnerships and Social Enterprises Local development partnerships are increasingly being seen as constituting a distinct sector, primarily because they have emerged and grown in the context of specific public programmes to address social exclusion and promote « bottom up » development during the 1990s. They can be seen as Third sector organizations themselves and are also significantly involved in sponsoring and supporting social enterprises and in policy development regarding Social economy issues. It is mainly in this context that the concept of the Social economy and social enterprises have come into significant usage in Ireland in recent years. In this context the Social economy is not thought of as being synonymous with what is more broadly termed the voluntary sector (although it is considered to overlap with this sector), or with non-profit organizations, but more as a distinct sphere, « between the public and private sectors which engages in economic activity in order to meet social objectives » (Social economy Working Group Report, 1998). Enterprises in the Social economy therefore, are distinguished by their objectives and activities rather than their organizational form. Such enterprises are typically engaged in a range of Social economy activities such as the provision of resource centres and the development and coordination of « proximity services » such as child 6 care and community care for older people or people with disabilities, or transport, social housing, training and capacity-building. They might also be involved in environmental projects or culture and heritage activities. Walsh et al. (1998) have recently provided a typology of local partnership organizations which have emerged from various programmes for local socio-economic development in Ireland. Drawing on this we can identify around 324 local partnership organizations as follows: Local Development Partnerships of which there are around 65. These are mainly associated with the delivery of various EU sponsored local development programmes (e.g. LEADER, EU Programme for Peace and Reconciliation) and partnership is a defining feature of their organizational form. They are involved in integrated socio-economic development in a defined local area for which they prepare a local action plan. Their activities include support for micro-enterprises, community capacity-building and measures to tackle social exclusion such as long-term unemployment and educational disadvantage. Local Service Partnerships of which there are around 40. These are local co-ordinating structures which involve a diversity of service providers and users. They are generally focused on specific issues such as training and employment, drugs, money advice and budgeting. Community Development Organizations of which there are around 150. These are a catch-all category of local, community-based organizations involved in economic, social and community development. They are usually involved in generating local enterprise and employment and in encouraging community and personal development and are characterized by a high degree of voluntarism. Obviously these organizations are a sub-set of the voluntary /community sector described above. Work Integration Enterprises Social enterprises categorized here as « work integration » do not have a specific name or constitute a recognizable sector in Ireland. However, for the purposes of this study, we have distinguished organizations concerned with providing work and labour market integration for the socially excluded, usually for people with disabilities. The majority are run by voluntary, non-profit bodies in the disability field and provide training and employment in what are conventionally referred to as « workshops » or « sheltered employment ». Around 26 such organizations run enterprises which provide goods and services in 19 different sectors. However, although they are commercially oriented, these enterprises rely to a very considerable extent on direct and indirect state support. Their parent organizations are financed through a combination of state subsidy, donations and commercial profit. In 1994 the largest non-profit organization in this area (Rehab Group) established a separate enterprise company to develop viable businesses. Building on the commercial base of some of the existing « workshops », this has brought together seven companies from the food, textile, electronics and recycling sectors. This model has begun to be adopted in other enterprises established for on-the-job training for the long term unemployed in an attempt to reintegrate them back into the workforce. Housing Organizations 7 One of the most significant developments in the Social economy in Ireland in recent years has been the increasing role of voluntary organizations in the provision of social housing. Through a capital assistance scheme, non-repayable loans are made available by the State to approved voluntary or non-profit housing associations to assist the provision of rented accommodation, particularly for those with special needs such as the elderly, people with disabilities and homeless people. A quarter of social housing provision in Ireland each year is now provided by the non-profit voluntary housing sector and this sector managed just under 10% of the non-private rented sector in 1996. More than half the social housing provision for elderly and disabled persons in the period 1988-1995 was accounted for by the non-profit sector. There were 350 housing associations registered in 1996 and 100 affiliated to the Irish Council for Social Housing. The Social economy and Public Policy In Ireland the terms « Social economy » and « social enterprises » have become part of policy discourse only since the mid-1990s. This is due primarily to the attention give to the Social economy as a potential source of employment in European Union documents in recent years (European Commission, 1993, 1994, 1995). One of the first references to the sector in Irish policy discourse was in a report on the employment potential of the services sector. This report identified the Social economy as « concerned with meeting real demands which cannot be fully met by the market alone and are not provided by the public sector. It represents a continuum of delivery possibilities between fully commercial and public provision » (NESF 1995, p. 19). Subsequent discourse has emphasized different aspects of this continuum involving varying levels of public assistance, trading income, voluntary activity, private support and user solidarity (see PLANET, 1997; Community Workers Co-operative, 1998). Public policy in Ireland in the 1990s has been characterized by social partnership (or corporatism) involving the negotiation of consensus on national economic, and social objectives between government, employers, trade unions, farmers and community interests. This has been embodied in a series of national agreements for the years 1988 to 19991 of which the most recent − Partnership 2000 for Inclusion, Employment and Competitiveness 1997-1999 − is currently in operation. The Social economy was raised as an issue by representatives of the voluntary/community sector in the negotiation of Partnership 2000 so that a commitment to undertake a detailed examination of its potential was incorporated in the final agreement. In 1998 a government-sponsored working group on the Social economy was set up to give effect to this. Its brief was to examine the potential of the Social economy « both in terms of employment and also in the supply of services, such as childcare, eldercare and services improving the quality of life in disadvantaged areas ». The Working Group comprised representatives from various government departments, employers, trade unions and other relevant interest groups. The Group defined the Social economy broadly as « that part of the economy between the public and private sectors which engages in economic activity in order 1 These social partnership programmes were: Programme for National Recovery (PNR) 1988-90; Programme for Economic and Social Progress (PESP) 1991-93; Programme for Competitiveness and Work (PCW) 1994-96; Partnership 2000 for Inclusion, Employment and Competitiveness 1997-99. 8 to meet social objectives ». They did not see it as their function to produce a definitive description of the entire Social economy, but rather to explore aspects of its potential for employment creation and quality of life improvement in disadvantaged areas. In practice, the Working Group used quite a specific working definition of the Social economy to provide a framework for their considerations. This was based on the following typology of social enterprises, which they acknowledge to be a sub-set: • community business, ultimately fully commercial in operation; • deficient demand social enterprises where community demand for goods or services is not matched by ability to pay due to disadvantage; • enterprises based on public sector contracts which do not yet exist to any considerable extent in Ireland (Social economy Working Group, 1998: 5). One of the key conclusions of the Group was that the main state support to the sector has come in the form of a labour subsidy through the various labour market integration programmes. The second significant source of state support is through programmes to combat disadvantage and social exclusion. The Group set out a series of recommendations for developing the Social economy as a means of combating disadvantage and regenerating communities. Specific financial and institutional supports were outlined and are discussed below. The report contains no estimates of existing employment in Social economy organizations nor any assessment of its possible employment potential. Nor does it address the issue of public service contracts for Social economy organizations. It is important to recognize that the concept of the Social economy which is used and understood in Ireland generally at present is that put forward in the Working Group Report. This is in line with usage of the term by the European Commission in the documents cited above, rather than with the widerer usage common in other European countries and being used in this study, which includes voluntary organizations, co-operatives, mutuals and charities. 9 II TYPES OF ORGANIZATIONS AND ENTERPRISES OF THE THIRD SYSTEM The compilation of Inventory Nr 2 has been conditioned, to a considerable extent, by the availability of information and the existing categorizations in published sources. The latter are, in turn, very much influenced by the legal status of some non-profit organizations, particularly those regulated by the Registrar of Friendly Societies. The Registrar has responsibility for the registration and regulation of Credit Unions, Co-operatives (registered as Industrial and Provident Societies), Mutuals (registered as Friendly Societies) and Trade Unions. Many Third system organizations are legally registered under company law as companies limited by guarantee but there is no separate data source on these companies. Information on other organizations in the Inventory is compiled from umbrella organizations (housing), directories (voluntary/community organizations), research studies (local development organizations) and one major work integration organization, catering primarily to people with disabilities. The predominant picture which emerges from the Inventory is that of a clear distinction between what might be referred to as the « old » Third sector organizations, characterized by the non-profit criterion and by their organizational form, and the « new » Social economy organizations primarily driven by their service and development activities. The former could include co-operatives, mutuals, credit unions and parts of the voluntary/community sector. Included in the « new » Social economy could be those voluntary and community organizations responding to new needs or involved in public contracts, housing associations, local development organizations and some insertion enterprises. The 700 co-operatives registered in 1996 have been divided into two categories. The agricommodity co-operatives have been treated separately because they are effectively commercial enterprises which retain an organizational form historically associated with the agri-sector. In this sense they are different from the second group of co-operative enterprises which is primarily focused on members interests and service provision. The link between activity in the rural economy and the co-operative as an organizational form is evidenced by the fact that many of the co-operatives in this section are involved in various aspects of rural development. The only noticeable increase in the numbers of co-operatives being established in recent years is in the tourism and local development fields. The sector is unlikely to experience significant gains in the numbers employed. Credit Unions have a specific legal framework which was updated in 1997 Credit Union Act. The purpose of the Act was to consolidate existing legislation and to provide an updated framework for the development and supervision of the credit union movement. The Act, which was a response to demands from the credit union movement to be facilitated to modernize and extend its services, safeguards the social and mutual purposes of the credit union movement and allows for an expansion of the range of services which could be offered to members as well as adopting new limits for shares, deposits and loan. Credit unions effectively operate quite independently as a sector distinct from other Social economy organizations. Within the sector, the capacity for group solidarity and action is limited by the autonomy and independence of each individual credit union. However, it is 10 likely that employment will continue to grow as credit unions expand their range of services and become more professionalized. The mutual sector is relatively insignificant in size and there are fewer than one hundred mutuals registered in Ireland under the Friendly Societies Acts. Employment in the sector is not significant and the numbers of societies registered have declined by 28% over the period 1992-1997. This is mainly due to mergers and privatization, but also to the fact that this form of structure is no longer popular. The non-profit housing sector has been treated separately in the Inventory because of the increased involvement of the sector in the provision of social housing in recent years. The main organizational forms in the non-profit housing sector are associations, trusts and cooperatives. Around half of those housed are elderly persons. Other key target groups are the homeless, low-income families and single people and people with disabilities. Employment in this sector is relatively modest and unlikely to grow very significantly. Most smaller associations do not have full-time staff and many are established to undertake a single housing project and may be relatively inactive once it is completed. The voluntary/community sector is the main point of overlap between the old and new social economies. As pointed out in the Inventory, it is a very diverse sector but organizations engaged in service provision are the most prevalent. The term « service provision » is rather imprecise but, while there are many long-established organizations in this sector, new social enterprises are emerging to respond to the demands of modern living. Examples include childcare services, community-based counselling, and recycling. This sector is based to a very large extent on voluntary activity so that numbers of full-time employees are relatively small, but are nevertheless increasing. According to a recent study, 44% of organizations had no full-time staff in 1995 (down from 65% in 1975) and most had fewer than 10 staff. This sector and local development organizations rely heavily on active labour market integration programmes to staff their various projects. Ireland has a long tradition of local development which received very little state support or acknowledgement until the 1980s when local and community development came to be seen as a strategy for combating unemployment. Support for such « bottom up » activity has stimulated innovative responses to social exclusion. Although primarily engaged in community development in the broadest sense, partnerships and community groups have had to search for appropriate responses to social exclusion at local level through creating or supporting social enterprises which respond to unmet social needs while simultaneously creating local employment. Local development therefore provides one of the most dynamic contexts for the development of the Third sector or Social economy in Ireland at present. Included in the Inventory are statistics from a small survey of social enterprises which, regrettably, did not contain useful data on employment. However, it did indicate that there is considerable dynamism in the sector. The final entry in the Inventory of types of organizations and enterprises is an example of what have earlier been termed « work integration enterprises ». The work of the Rehab Group for which there are some data available has been included here, primarily (in the absence of data on a general category) to indicate the existence of such organizations and the scale of operations of the Rehab Group. The recent expansion of the Group’s activities would seem to indicate considerable employment potential for this type of Third sector organization. 11 12 III TYPES OF SUPPORT ORGANIZATIONS AND RESOURCE CENTRES FOR THIRD SYSTEM ORGANIZATIONS Support organizations identified for Inventory Nr 3 in Ireland are of three types: 1. Organizations which provide a collective voice for particular organizational forms or specific sectors within the Third system. There is no national federation for voluntary organizations in Ireland. Five other organizations were identified − the Irish League of Credit Unions, National Association of Building Co-operatives, Irish Co-operative Organization Society, Irish Council for Social Housing, Irish Trade Union Trust. 2. Public or largely publicly funded organizations of which four were included − Udaras na Gaeltachta, Co-operative Development Unit, the National Social Service Board and Area Development Management Ltd. (ADM). 3. A single dedicated unit to support Social economy activities at local level which is itself part of a larger Social economy organization. Organizations which act in a collective or federative way for particular organizational forms or sectors within the Social economy are primarily fulfilling a solidarity, information and support function for member organizations. Such bodies have not been prominent advocates or promoters of the development of the Third sector/Social economy generally and have not been associated with recent discussion on the employment potential of Social economy organizations or the sectors’ capacity to address of social exclusion. Two of the publicly funded organizations provide support, mainly in the form of grant aid and advice to quite small and specific sub-sectors, namely small community-based co-operatives in Gaelic-speaking areas and workers co-operatives. In each case support is provided to fewer than 25 enterprises annually and targeted support to the Third system is a relatively small part of the sponsoring organization’s overall activities. Both organizations operate as catalysts and in a proactive way in regard to co-operative development. The National Social Service Board provides a more specific general support and service to the voluntary and community sector, mainly information, advice and training. In this sense their role is one of resource provision rather than a catalyst and proactive one in relation to the formation of new organizations. Finally, ADM, because of its remit as the organization responsible for supporting local social and economic development in Ireland plays a significant role in relation to stimulating and supporting « new » Social economy activities. By providing a range of assistance to Partnerships and Community Groups, ADM has both directly supported what are themselves Third sector organizations and, in several cases, stimulated them to establish new social enterprises. The organization has also contributed to discussion and awareness of the Social economy in the context of social exclusion by sponsoring research and discussion on social enterprises and community business (see Mallaghan et al., 1996). The network organization of area-based partnerships known as PLANET (Partnerships for Local Action Network) has also been a prominent promoter of the Social economy which they see as an important means of resourcing local communities and ensuring local control and benefit from local resources (PLANET, 1997). 13 The Social economy Unit in Tallaght in south Dublin is exceptional in being the only dedicated body set up specifically to provide support and advice to new Social economy initiatives. The context and circumstances of its establishment reflect the link between local development recent promotion of the Social economy in Ireland by those involved. In considering the question of which form of public support is most appropriate for the Social economy, the Social economy Working Group concluded that « it would not make sense for a Government Department directly to operate a Social economy programme or to operate an advice or practical support basis for Social economy type enterprise » (1998: 54). Instead the Group recommended that a Social economy support unit be established in FAS (the National Training Authority) and that such a unit be assigned responsibility for providing technical support for the development of the Social economy at national level. This should be supplemented at local level by a strategy for the development of the Social economy which would operate on the basis of a Social economy Framework Agreement. The Group recommended that technical support to social enterprises should be delivered locally through FAS in partnership with relevant local interests and all of these activities should be subject to ongoing monitoring (Social economy Working Group, 1998). 14 IV PUBLIC POLICY SUPPORT MEASURES FOR THIRD SYSTEM / SOCIAL ECONOMY ORGANIZATIONS Nine public policy support measures were identified for the Inventory and these represent the policy measures which provide the most direct support to Social economy organizations. However, none of these measures have support for the sector as an explicit or primary objective. They are either labour market integration programmes such as Community Employment, Job Initiative or Employment Initiative, or are programmes aimed at encouraging community or local development such as the Local Development Programme, Community Enterprise, or equal opportunities such as the Equal Opportunities Childcare Programme. Social economy projects often access funding from several different programmes simultaneously. By far the most significant source of support for the Social economy is from the Community Employment (CE) programme which operates as a form of labour subsidy to the sector. CE is the largest and most important direct labour market intervention measure in operation in Ireland accounting for around 40 000 persons who comprise around 3% of the labour force. In 1997, 81% of participants were working on projects in voluntary/community bodies and CE workers are the main source of labour for many Social economy organizations. Other employment integration programmes included in the Inventory, such as the Employment Initiative, also have a high involvement from the community/voluntary sector. The other main group of support measures which provide support to the Social economy are those concerned with local and community development, particularly programmes to counter disadvantage and social exclusion. Indeed, the Social economy Working Group pointed out that the latter programmes as well as labour market intervention measures have proven to be more adaptable to Social economy type projects than programmes designed to support the development of micro-enterprises which have mainly benefited individual private promoters. The Group also referred to the fact that such programmes benefit substantially from EU Structural Funds due to the priority given to combating social exclusion and to local development in the 1994-1999 Community Support Framework and the involvement of NGOs in the implementation of EU co-funded projects. Clearly this raises the issue of the long-term viability of such projects. Besides, many of the projects are funded for a pilot period of around two years, raising the problem for social enterprise of sourcing continuing support after the pilot period is over. Support for the « new » Social economy would probably be more effective if a specific set of dedicated measures were put in place to support social enterprises. The existing set of indirect measures, although they do recognize and promote the development of Social economy organizations may be more effective if more directly and explicitly targeted to the sector. The potential advantages of a Social economy programme include the provision of new services to communities, particularly in disadvantaged areas, improved job opportunities for the longterm unemployed and other socially excluded people and the introduction of an entrepreneurial dimension to local service provision (Social economy Working Group, 1998). V 15 GENERAL CONCLUSION In Ireland we have, as yet, no reliable quantitative assessment of the significance of the Third sector for employment. The sector does not have a distinct identity in policy and public discourse or in labour or sectoral statistics. Knowledge is therefore scanty, piecemeal and mainly qualitative. The concept of the « Social economy » has recently become part of policy discourse primarily in the context of the search for effective responses to social exclusion, particularly long-term unemployment. The most dynamic aspect of the new Social economy is associated with local and community development. State policy measures have been quite effective in supporting social enterprises, mainly in the form of labour subsidies via various labour market integration programmes. In practice this has meant that most recently established social enterprises are heavily dependent on state funding. It also means that recent development of the Social economy has been a by-product of labour market and local and community development policies. The emphasis in these policies has been either on the individual who is unemployed, or on a disadvantaged local area or community. In examining the case for state support for the Social economy, in the light of Ireland’s recent exceptional growth and forecast of continued growth over the next few years, the Social economy Working Group concluded that « there is a clear case for developing the Social economy in the context of combating disadvantage and with the aim of regenerating communities » (1998, p. 52). It is worth highlighting the key points of the Group’s recommendations here since they represent a consensus of views of senior policymakers, business, trade unions, farmers, relevant NGOs as well as other agencies such as ADM who were represented on it. In brief, the Group recommended: • that developing the Social economy should be a specific policy objective; • the introduction of a dedicated Social economy programme to be funded mainly from existing resources at around EUR 52 million per annum. Funding would come from adaptation of the existing Community Employment programme (around 5 000 job places) to provide a dedicated support strand to the Social economy. The existing Community Enterprise programme would also be refocused more explicitly on the Social economy and additional resources would be provided to help social enterprises to develop and implement business plans; • that the provision of employment opportunities, experience and training will continue to be seen as key objectives of the Social economy programme; • that technical support to social enterprises should be provided at national and local levels; • that local government and other local development structures should provide more strategic support for the Social economy. Given the extent of the sector’s reliance on state support to date, future development of the « new » Social economy will significantly depend on a positive policy response to these recommendations. It is notable that the Working Group did not address the issue of state contracts to the Social economy, even though, as in other European countries, this is a likely future trend. This is, in itself, an indication of the degree to which discourse and policy regarding the sector is still in a formative stage. 16 17 VI BIBLIOGRAPHY Commission of the European Communities, 1993, Growth, Competitiveness, Employment The Challenges and Ways Forward into the 21st Century, Brussels. Commission of the European Communities, 1994, European Social Policy: A Way Forward for the Union, Brussels. Commission of the European Communities, 1995, Local Development and Employment Initiatives, Brussels. Community Workers Co-operative, 1998, Strategies to Develop the Social economy, Strategy Guide No. 2,Galway, Community Workers Co-operative. Department of Social Welfare, 1997, Supporting Voluntary Activity, Dublin, Stationary Office. MALLAGHAN A., HART M., MACFARLANE R. and Connolly, E., 1996, A Study of Community Business within the Social economy in Ireland, Report of a Study for Area Development Management Ltd., Dublin. National Economic and Social Forum, 1995, Jobs Potential of the Services Sector, Dublin: Government Publications. Partnership for Local Action Network, PLANET), 1997, Building the Social economy: New Areas of Work, Enterprise and Development, Dublin, PLANET. POWELL F. and GUERIN D., 1997, Civil Society and Social Policy, Dublin, A&A Farmar. Social economy Working Group Report, 1998, Partnership 2000, Dublin, The Stationary Office. SALAMON L.M. and ANHEIER H.K. and Associates, 1998, The Emerging Sector Revisited, Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Institute for Policy Studies and Center for Civil Society Studies. WALSH J., CRAIG, S. and McCAFFERTY D.,1998, Local Partnerships for Social Inclusion?, Dublin, Oak Tree Press in association with Combat Poverty Agency. 18