Document 1745361

AILI. the IHIELLEIMIC
OIAS1PORA
a semiannual scholarly review keyed to the Greek
experience of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries
Published by PELLA PUBLISHING COMPANY, INC.
337 West 36th Street, New York, NY 10018-6401
Editorial Office: Main 544; West Chester Univ, West Chaster, PA 19383
Publisher
NICHOLAS DOUMANIS
LEANDROS FAPATHANASIOU
Australia
MARIOS EVRIVIADES
Athens University
Editors
ALEXANDER KITROEFF
KOSTAS MYRSIADES
Associate Editors
YIORGOS D. KALOGERAS
ADAMANTIA FOLLIS
Editors-at-Large
ROBERT FAGLES
Princeton University
BARBARA JELAVICH
Indiana University
ANGELIKI LAIOU
Dumbarton Oaks
KOSTIS MOSKOFF
Foundation for Hellenic
Culture, Alexandria, Egypt
HAGEN FLEISCHER, Greece
ANDRE GEROLYMATOS, Canada
NICOS MOUZELIS
OLE SMITH,
ALEXANDER NEHAMAS
Sweden
London School of Economics
Princeton University
Book Review Editor
GEORGE FILITSIS
PETER PAPPAS
United States
JAMES PETRAS
SUNY at Binghamton
National / International
Advisory Board
JOHN ANTHONY PETROPULOS
MARGARET ALEXIOU
WILLIAM V. SPANOS
Amherst College
Harvard University
Louis AXELOS
Stochastis Publishers
SUNY at Binghamton
STAVROS B. THOMADAKIS
University of Athens
STEVEN BOWMAN
CONSTANTINE TSOUCALAS
University of Cincinnati
STAVROS DELIGIORGIS
The University of Iowa
University of Athens
SPEROS VRYONLS, JR.
Onassis Center, NYU
EDITORIAL POLICY
The JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA maintains a vision
of the Greek world as a. paradigm for new conceptualizations of Western
identity, standing as it does on the margins of eastern and western Europe
and at the boundary between Western and oriental constructs. The JHD
separates Greece from traditional isolationist and marginalizing taxonomies
to view it both in a global context in terms of its unique setting as part of the
Balkans, the Mediterranean, western Europe, and the Middle East, and in
relation to the Greeks of the diaspora. JHD takes a transdisciplinary perspective that examines both the nature and the interstices of Greek anthropology, history, literature, philosophy, and social sciences.
The JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA welcomes widely
ranging approaches that embrace a variety of methodologies and perspectives.
It accepts critical, theoretical, and historical studies, review articles, and
translations keyed to the Greek experience of the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries.
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CANADA: Andre Gerolymatos, Dawson College, 3040 Sherbrooke Street, W.,
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SWEDEN: Ole L. Smith, Department of Classical Studies, V. Hamngatan 3,
S-411 17 Gothenburg, Sweden
GREECE: Hagen Fleischer, Department of History, University of Crete,
74100 Rethymno, Crete
Articles in JHD are abstracted and/or indexed in Historical Abstracts, America:
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Association Abstracts, Language Bibliography, International Political Science Abstracts, and American Bibliography of Slavic and East European Studies.
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Copyright © 1994 by Pella Publishing Company, Inc. ISSN 0364-2976
Printed by ATHENS PRINTING COMPANY, New York, NY 10018-6401
J
umahe
ift: usIL:4761:
20TH ANNIVERSARY ISSUE
VOL. 20.2 (1994)
CONTENTS
LEANDROS PAPATHANASIOU
A Word from the Publisher
5
ELENA FRANGAKIS-SYRETT Monoculture in
Nineteenth-Century Greece
and the Port City of Patras
MOGENS PELT
Germany and the Economic
Dimensions of the Establishment
of the Metaxas Regime
35
THOMAS DOULIS
The Other Aegean
69
PETER PAPPAS
Imagined Communities:
The Artistic Ecologies of
Mark Hadjipateras
83
Book Reviews
91
Index to
Volumes 1 Through 20
109
A Word from the Publisher
This issue commences the third decade of publication of
the Journal of the Hellenic Diaspora. The journal was launched
originally in the fall of 1973 by anti-junta activists in the Midwest led by Nikos Petropoulos, a professor of sociology at
Indiana-Purdue University. The publication's support quickly
spread to academics and students in the United States and Europe.
The organizational mandate of the IHD's founders was to promote
exchanges among progressive Greeks and Americans concerned
with Greek affairs, and to support the democratic movement
in Greece, as well as the movements of American minority
groups and movements in "third-world" countries against discrimination and exploitation.
In 1977, the IHD changed hands and broadened its scope
as its production was undertaken by Pella Publishing in New
York, which specializes in books on modern Greek topics.
Petropoulos, who was preparing to repatriate to Greece, asked
Dan Georgakas, a fellow editor, to find a successor publishing
group for the journal. Georgakas approached Pella and the
challenge was accepted. The IHD began a new phase in its life
as quarterly publication in 1978 with Volume 4, #4. The new
editors, Paschalis M. Kitromilides, Peter Pappas, Yiannis P.
Roubatis, and Dan Georgakas affirmed that the IHD would retain the critical tone that made it one of the few authentic alternative voices of Greeks living outside Greece. They also stated
that they were dedicated to widening the scope of the journal to
include the widest possible range of progressive scholarship and
opinion on social and cultural affairs.
The new editorial strategy, supported by Pella, yielded a
new II-ID that boldly set out in several directions. One of the
earliest concerns was to reflect and shape the critical concerns
of post-1974 Greek scholarship and opinion with regard to the
social and historical causes of the dictatorship. The IHD played an
5
important role in contributing to the debates over the legacy of the
1940s in Greece and in exploring other longer-standing divisions
in Greek society. Another editorial goal was to promote topics
that traditional scholarship had ignored altogether, such as the
Greek diaspora and minorities in Greece. The [HD also took
a strong cultural stand. Through the years, nearly all the arts
have been treated through critical essays, interviews, reviews,
and direct presentation. The form in which the material was
published in the IHD complemented its broad range of topics.
It included academic essays, opinion pieces, reviews, and the
publication of documents acompanied by introductions or annotations setting them in their context.
The editors have been committed to combining rigorous
scholarly standards with a determination to act as a forum that
would be available to a variety of theoretical and methodological approaches and that would also encourage contributions from
younger scholars, graduate students, and nonacademic observers
of Greek culture and society. Several issues have been compiled by guest editors who have been given the freedom to
collect and present essays in "special issues" devoted to a number of topics. Moreover, every effort has been made to include
contributions from authors based not only in the United States
and Canada, but also in Greece and the rest of Europe as well as
Africa and Australia.
Pella's association with the IFID has been a successful one.
Back in 1978, the editors, in assuming their responsibilities
and forging a bold agenda for what was a small journal, knew
the risks they were taking. The THD had nothing to back
it up except the commitment and support of Pella. It was
not the official publication of any professional society or academic institution, and Pella lacked the advantages enjoyed by
university publishing houses that normally undertake the production of similar publications. Consequently, the editors worked
closely with Pella to overcome those disadvantages, and their efforts have borne success. The !HD is currently recognized as
an important forum for the critical examination of the modern
Greek experience.
More recently, with a new format and a semiannual publication schedule, the JIID entered yet another phase in its
6
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
continuing association with Pella Publishing. Peter Pappas, the
last survivor of the editorial board formed in 1978 and for
years the driving force behind the IHD, stepped down, leaving
a two-person editorial board, Alexander Kitroeff, who had
joined the fHD in 1980, and a new member, Kostas Myrsiades,
a professor at West Chester University and editor of the widely
respected journal College Literature. For the first time, the fHD
has acquired editorial headquarters physically separated from
its publishing offices in New York, located in Pennsylvania,
where both editors are based. Affirming their own commitment
to upholding the journal's quality and openness, Kitroeff and
Myrsiades are embarking on an ambitious plan in terms of the
journal's contents and scope. The combination of scholarly and
commentary articles will be retained, but the academic articles
will be subject to refereed peer review more consistently and
systematically. The journal will continue to accept widely ranging approaches embracing a variety of methodologies and
perspectives in the humanities and social sciences, while strengthening its commitment to examining Greece in its global and
regional—Balkan and Mediterranean—contexts.
The /HD's staff, contributors, and subscribers have been
the three essential ingredients underwriting the journal's development over the past two decades, and they have made
Pella Publishing's commitment to supporting the journal morally
rewarding. Indeed, this publication is entirely produced through
the voluntary contribution of valuable time and effort of all
those involved in the editorial process and through the limited
resources that sustain the journal's printing and distribution.
The names of the editors (as well as a number of persons
formally associated with the journal in the United States and
abroad) have appeared on the IHD's masthead over the past two
decades in understated recognition of their contribution. Aside
from the editorial board members mentioned above, others whose
support over the years has been invaluable include Susan
Anastasakos, Marios Evriviades, Hagen Fleischer, Andre Gerolymatos, and Ole Smith In addition to the many others who
have helped Pella and the 1HD, there are two people who
have worked behind the scenes here at Pella throughout these two
decades and whose contribution deserves recognition: typesetter
A Word from the Publisher
7
Plutarch Argyropoulos and Melanie Wallace, a copy editor as
well as a contributor.
In noting the IHD's twentieth anniversary, Pella Publishing affirms its long-term commitment to the support and production of this publication and the promotion of modern Greek
studies. Indeed, Pella.'s purpose has not been to compete with
larger publishing houses but rather to serve persons interested
in the study of modern Greece, the Greek-American community and, more generally, Greeks in Greece and the Englishspeaking world, by undertaking to produce works that explore
the modern Greek experience. We therefore encourage the IHD's
subscribers and our readers to continue to send us suggestions and
any manner of constructive criticism. Our resources may be limited
by the modern standards of automation and computerization,
but our commitment to our goals is stronger than ever. With your
continued support, we hope Pella will continue to underwrite the
Journal of the Hellenic Diaspora for at least another twenty years!
LEANDROS PAPATHANASIOU
Publisher
8
JOURNAL OP. THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
Monoculture in Nineteenth-Century
Greece and the Port City of Patras
by ELENA FRANGAKIS-SYRETT
Introduction
It was during the nineteenth century that currants emerged
as the major export of the newly constituted Greek state and
that Patras became the principal port from which currants were
exported and became a leading port in Greece. In the process
Patra.s developed as a major entreport, exporting currants mostly
from its considerable hinterland, which included the western
part of the Morea and southwestern Greece (Aetolo-Akarnania)
as well as the nearby Ionian islands and Albanian coastal areas.
Enjoying well-established links with the international market,
Patras also emerged as an important import center, primarily
for British textiles but also for other Western-manufactured
and colonial goods, for distribution to its outlying regions and
to other areas of the Greek state.' The port city also became the
center for the commercial and credit networks that financed
cultivation and trade in the region.
Integration into the World Market
By the late eighteenth century, Patras was growing both
in demographic and economic terms and strengthening its commercial ties with western Europe, especially with the Italian
ports, Britain, and British satellite ports such as Malta and the
ELENA FRANGAKIS-SYRETT is associate professor, Department of
History, Queens College, CUNY.
9
Ionian islands.2 Western merchants, primarily British, who had
established themselves in the city in the late eighteenth and
early nineteenth centuries for trade purposes, were better capitalized than their French counterparts had •been in the period
of the ancien regime. Furthermore, they were served by a technologically more advanced and generally better financed carrying trade. These newly established merchants catered to a
continuously expanding market in post-industrial revolution
Europe and particularly in Britain. All these factors contributed
to Patras's relatively fast integration into the international market and to the increasing pace of commercialization and export
orientation of its hinterland's agricultural production.
All this came to a temporary, though abrupt, halt during
the Greek War of Independence (1821-1828), which exacted
a particularly heavy toll on Patras's population, economy, and
infrastructure.' However, once the war had ended Patras was
able to recover, if not quickly, at least steadily. Its demographic
growth initially showed a slow recovery (1828-39) that improved during the following decade (1839-51) only to be
checked in the years 1852-56.4 These years were punctuated by
a series of bad currant harvests, which led to a decrease in the
total production of currants and thus in the economic opportunities the town could offer.' This drop in population shows
how close the links were between economy and demography
through the town's relative ability to attract people from the
surrounding areas by offering them economic opportunities.
This seems also to have been the last demographic setback,
for Patras's population advanced steadily thereafter until the
last years of the century, when migration took its toll. The
reason for migration was again related to a crisis in the region's
economy.
Despite temporary fluctuations, Patras and the region
registered overall economic growth in the course of the nineteenth century, a growth which became more evident in the
latter part of the century and which resulted in a takeoff in
its economy (which was also part of the takeoff in Greece's
economy at the time) until the overproduction crisis in currants surfaced in the early 1890s. As this developed into an
economic crisis of no small proportion for the whole of the Morea,
10
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
migration to the New World became one of the solutions;°
as a result, the region's population growth was affected. The
nomos of Achaia and both the eparkhia and the demos of
Patras showed a marked slowdown in demographic increases
at the turn of the century (1896-1907), in comparison to
earlier trends, while the town of Patras registred a drop in
its population in numerical terms, which signifies a bigger drop
in relative terms.
Development of a Monoculture
The economic growth of Patras and its outlying regions
was almost exclusively based on the production and marketing
of currants for export. Despite an array of goods being produced in the Patras area, agriculture was the most important part
of the region's economy, and by the middle of the nineteenth
century and even earlier currants emerged as the single biggest
crop produced for export. A decade after the end of the Greek
War for Independence these trends were already emerging:
•
•
In consequence of the general tranquility, cultivation
has been gradually extended throughout the country,
and this will have a corresponding effect upon the
export trade. The attention of the population is at
present, however, principally directed to the planting
of currants, which at the actual prices offer a greater
return for the outlay than any other produce. On this
account the cultivation of grain has been neglected,
and until better means of internal communication are established, the cost of transport would too much
enhance the price of agricultural produce for export
at a profit!
A strong monoculture pattern of currant production thus
came to characterize the local economy. There are many reasons for that, the principal one being its profitability. In an
economy that was suffering from chronic capital scarcity, as the
Greek economy was in the nineteenth century, and where the
Nineteenth-Century Greece & the Port City of Patras
11
capacity of the local cultivators to invest was minimal, the
considerable profits that currants could produce easily established
their predominance in the local agriculture and economy. The
tendency for the prices to fall overall in the second half of
the century was neutralized for the Greek growers by the increased demand for currants due to the special circumstances
of the phylloxera attack in France.'
Valonea, silk, figs, and olive oil were some of Patras's
other exports.' Of those, valonea was the only produce that
was exported in any quantity." Besides Britain, France and
Italy were among some of the markets for the above goods.
When there was a grain crop surplus in the Patras hinterland
(which was not frequent), grain was also exported abroad,
though mostly to nearby eastern Mediterranean markets. Nevertheless, none of these goods exported from Patras or from
any other Moreote port came anywhere near in value to the
export of currants, which became the major export of the Greek
state.' For these goods, which were also produced for export
elsewhere in the eastern Mediterranean, did not enjoy the
uniqueness of currants nor their popularity in the British market—
and Britain was Patras's most important market of currants.
By 1838, the amount shipped from Patras in British vessels and destined primarily for the British market was more
than thirty times the amount exported in vessels under all
other flags. At the same time, Patras's exports represented
more than half of all Peloponnesian exports and were double
those of Kalamata, the Morea's second most important port. This
trend continued. In 1871, Patras's exports accounted for 56%
of all of the Morea's exports, of which currants accounted fOr
90.2%; more than 90% of these currants went to Britain.'
In this trading pattern, the price of currants was crucial.
Any fall in the price, which could sometimes drop as much as
20%, brought a corresponding drop not only in the value of
Patras's exports but also of its imports." The close connection
between exports and imports for most of the century meant
that imports were immediately affected by any drop in the
value of exports." This was less so in the last quarter of the
century due to the considerable growth of the Greek domestic
market. Nevertheless, the local economy remained greatly de12
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
pendent on the monoculture and export of currants.
What goods the domestic market was able to absorb in
the course of the nineteenth century in large part also came
from Britain. More than 505 and sometimes as much as 75%
of Patras's imports were British goods,' although •these were
not always transported to the Moreote port on British vessels
or originate from British ports.' Nevertheless, Britain did not
dominate its imports as absolutely as it did its exports. For
instance, a large part of Patras's imports came from Italian
ports as well as from France and Russia in Austrian, French,
Greek, and (until 1864) British-protected Ionian vessels, among
others. Such imports were primarily cotton and woolen manufactures, iron, hardware, tin, hides, colonial products, and
spices.17 Austria, which successfully exported similar textiles
elsewhere in the eastern Mediterranean, was a strong rival to
Britain in Patras: taking advantage of the early steamship links
between Patras and Austrian-held Trieste, merchants exported
Austrian textile, often in Greece vessels, to Patras.
Capital Scarcity and Local Unrest
An important element that impeded the growth of the
domestic market, particularly in the first three quarters of the
century, was capital scarcity." This in turn led to the under capitalization of agriculture as well as to unrest in the countryside, both of which were particularly prevalent in the first half
of the nineteenth century. A decade after the end of the Greek
War of Independence, demands by the former leaders of the war
or their families for distribution of the national lands had not yet
been satisfied, which led to intermittent insurrections on their
part. And they were not the only ones rebelling:
Throughout the whole of Greece a spirit of disaffection has long been silently making its way amongst
all classes of the community and erupting in acts of
violence ... Commerce is at a standstill. The merchants
can obtain no payments. The currency is alarmingly
diminished and rapidly disappearing from circulation."
Nineteenth-Century Greece & the Port City of Patras
13
Coupled with insecurity was a poor system of domestic
road communications. On top of this, people felt a general lack
of confidence toward their government, which led them in the
late 1830s to keep part of the tithe owed to the state as a
protest." Although the worst of the brigandage and anarchy
was eventually controlled by the government, which also distributed some of the national lands to the families of the former
fighters,21 such incidents were not entirely phased out of Greek
life. Patras and the surrounding area (for instance, Catakolo
near Pyrgos, and Vostizza) continued to be plagued by brigandage
and general insecurity.22
Although not detrimental, the effects on trade could not
but have been adverse: as late as 1869 it was necessary to
protect traders and agents who went to the hinterland of
Patras during the currant season to purchase currants carrying
"large sums of money."28 Insecurity affected the economy adversely in other areas, too, besides trade. For instance, brigandage
contributed, together with other factors, to the lack of largescale foreign investment in the commercialization of the region's
agriculture. That is, a lack of manpower, which increased
labor costs, coupled with insecurity resulted in a reluctance by
foreign—and even local—investors to invest in the land on a
large scale other than by money-lending or advance purchasing.'
Gustave Klaus, whose wine-making concern in the region was
the biggest in Greece, produced wine from currants grown
in his own extensive landholdings in the area." He was, however, the exception rather than the rule. The hinterland of
Patras was, of course, not unique in the eastern Mediterranean
in experiencing intermittent brigandage in the nineteenth century. The interior of western Anatolia, in the Ottoman empire,
was equally subject to acts of brigandage and chronic insecurity
throughout the century.27 And as in Patras, lack of manpower
and insecurity contributed to an overall lack of Western investment in large-scale farming in western Anatolia, too.
However, considerable investment on the part of British
entrepreneurs, in the form of money-lending at interest or of
advance purchasing, was taking place even before the Greek
War of Independence. 28 In the early 1840s, trade had advanced enough so that there was a need to extend loans on
14
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
other than usurious terms to better-off cultivators or to mediumscale Greek or foreign commercial houses. For this reason, the
Commercial Bank was founded by British entrepreneurs, with
its headquarters in Piraeus and a branch in Patras, disposing a
capital of £35,000, or Drs 980,000.29 Among its operations were
money changing, the discounting of bills of exchange, promissory
notes, and loans against collateral at 12% interest."
Other banks besides the Commercial Bank were being
founded by British merchants-cum-bankers in the eastern Mediterranean at the same time." The setting up of such banks is
evidence of the strength of British commercial interests in the
eastern Mediterranean, of which Patras was an integral part, as
well as of the degree of involvement of British capital in the
economy of Patras by the middle of the nineteenth century.
The National Bank of Greece, which was founded in
Athens in 1841, also opened a branch in Patras in 1846.22
However, for quite a while its banking operations in the port
city remained rather limited, and those who received loans from
the bank tended mainly to be the well-to-do merchants, Greek
and foreign."
The Ionian Bank opened a branch in Patras at about the
same time, with a capital of £15,000 (Drs 420,000) and the
capacity to increase it." This was also a British concern owing
to the Ionian islands' close economic (and for a while also
political) links with Britain. In fact, in mid-century the manager
of the Ionian Bank was the British consul in Pa.tras." Patras's
close commercial links with the Ionian islands thus reinforced
its links with the British market and capital.
By the mid-1840s, as much as £50,000 of foreign capital
had been invested locally, mostly in the form of British and
other loans to local merchants and cultivators. Complete restoration of law and order would, apparently, have stimulated
further investment." Nevertheless, the ongoing demand for
currants meant that a decade or so later around £100,000 had
been invested in the Morea, and it can be assumed that the bulk
of it was invested in Patras and its hinterland, and to a large
extent by British capitalists at "favourable rates of interest.""
Foreign capital continued to be invested in the economy of the
Nineteenth-Century Greece & the Port City of Patras
15
region," even in some of the rescue operations to save the
region from the overproduction crisis."'
How did this investment reach local small-scale producers?
While the Ionian Bank was lending money at 8-9% interest in
the late 1850s, it was probably not the small-scale producers
who could take advantage of loans but the better-off cultivators
and merchants." The biggest Greek bank in the area, the National Bank of Greece, did not do much better: at least until
the 1860s, it lent primarily to large-scale merchants. Besides,
small-scale proprietors remained reluctant to mortgage their land
against a loan from the National Bank, fearing that they thus
risked losing their land, and they turned instead to local moneylenders.41 It was thus left mostly to merchants-cum-bankers,
local and foreign, to lend to the local vineyard cultivators and
smaller-scale merchants at higher interest rates than what they
themselves borrowed abroad or locally from the National Bank
of Greece or other banks." Indeed, small-scale producers continued to borrow right through the century at 12-25% interest,
with some relief coming only when the Currant Bank, established in 1899, started to lend to cultivators at large at 6%
interest, thus causing other lenders to lower their rates in order
to compete.'
Patterns of Landownership
In the meantime, and without much help from the government, cultivators had responded to the forces of the international market and "very considerable tracts of land [had)
been brought into cultivation"" by the late 1830s in the hinterland of Pa.tras; consequently, the amount of currants exported
had been proportionately increased. By mid-century, currants
were the main source of income for the inhabitants of the Gulf
of Corinth and the plain of Elis, and both men and women
worked the fields." In the demos of Patras, 61.5% of the cultivable land was used for currants by 1851; this increased to
70.65% in 1861.46
Most of the producers were small-scale proprietors; the
average plot was between 2-1/2 to 15 acres and was often in16
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
tersected by other properties. Similar landownership patterns
existed elsewhere in the eastern Mediterranean.° Nevertheless,
tenancy was also on the rise in the immediate vicinity of Patras
in the latter part of the century, due to the lucrative nature of
vineyard cultivation. For instance, merchants who made profits
in the currant trade bought land and rented it out. This in fact
went against the general trend in Greece, which was toward
further small-scale proprietorship."
However, for all the increase in the production of currants,
there were still large tracts of uncultivated land in the Morea in
the early 1860s." In 1869, there was roughly a ratio of 2:3
between cultivated areas and wastelands in Greece overall, although it might have been less in the Morea." Besides the scarcity
of capital and high interest rates, the laws of inheritance also
greatly hampered the solvency and profitability of small-scale
producers, making it difficult for them to achieve the required
surplus for expanding their landholding. In fact, the opposite
could occur.
There is no doubt that the division of the property
amongst all children is not favourable to agriculture.
A poor man with a few acres of land cannot purchase
costly agricultural implements nor cultivate his property
scientifically ... The land, through division, becomes
so intersected and interlaced as to interfere greatly with
its advantageous cultivation.51
From the 1860s on, the Greek government took a number
of steps to increase small-scale land proprietorship as well as
to augment the amount of land under cultivation. For instance,
the state started selling land to small-scale producers, who paid
12 - 15% of their annual produce as installment payments. The
Greek government passed a law in 1871 granting further favorable conditions for the purchasing of land, both arable and
wasteland, with the proviso that vineyard, wheat, or other
produce would be cultivated upon such land. According to the
quality of land, a down payment was made, and the subsequent
installments were to be paid over 26 years. Within a few
years as much as 100,000 acres were estimated to have thus
Nineteenth-Century Greece & the Port City of Patras
17
been placed under vineyard cultivation, which caused the British
consul to aptly observe "that we may look for a great increase
in their production when the vines come into full bearing."52 In
the meantime, the Morea imported wheat for its needs."
Risks of Monoculture
Yet such a pattern of monoculture could not but be a
precarious basis for economic growth, for it was dependent on
three main factors—good weather, a healthy crop, and continuous demand through competitive yet profitable prices in
the principal market, the British, and in the world market at
large. However, any of these factors could go wrong, as shown
by the harvest of 1851 when the depressed state of the British
market led to a drop in the currant sales as well as in prices,
the result being that the outlay for currant production exceeded
the profits received from exports to Britain. The need thus
arose, as early as the 18,50s, for the cultivators either to produce currants more economically, and aim at least some of their
produce at the lower end of the British market, or to find
other markets altogether.""
Equally, a combination of bad weather and disease, called
oidium, led to a dramatic drop in the currant harvest of 1852
from over 26,000 tons in the previous year to about 2,200-3,000
tons; a further 4,800 tons were unfit for consumption and hence
remained unsold. As there had been a decrease in the currant
export trade for two years running by then, imports dropped
as a result. At the same time, producers cultivated their next
year's crop "in the most economical manner possible so that
very little circulation of money has resulted," which only aggravated the situation further." In an effort to help the cultivators and stimulate exports, which were scarcely covering
freight charges to Britain given the poor quality of the crop,
the government reduced the tithes and export duties for all remaining currants, including any leftovers from the 1851 crop.
However, the decree came too late to help the producers: the
currants had in the meantime been rotting away.'
Eighteen hundred and fifty-three was the second year in
18
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
which a currant crop was produced that was either partly
ruined or of such an inferior quality that it could not be
profitably exported to Britain. Small-scale growers, who were
the majority, could not wait it out for another year, when prices
were likely to go up due to the scarcity of currants. With their
vineyards mortgaged and now unable •to pay the interest on
their loans, they were compelled to dispose of their land at
ruinously low prices."' Unfortunately, this was not all for
the currant growers. The following year's crop, that of 1854,
was once again affected by a disease which hit the eparkhia of
Patras particularly hard. Fortunately, production in Vostizza and
Pyrgos was affected less."
Advance purchasers who had speculated on the 1852 and
1853 crops in the British market and who had lost money due
to the poor quality of the crop, when faced by the same prospects
in 1854, started distilling the crop on the spot and exporting
the spirit." For the latter was fetching a better price than
were currants, due to a scarcity in the international market.
Investment on the whole was not placed, however, in such
'ventures, and the currant export trade remained the most
important source of revenue for the region's economy.
In May of the following year (1855), as the disease reappeared—this time spreading beyond the district of Patras to
the Gulf of Corinth and to Pyrgos—the vines were drastically
cut back and allowed to shoot afresh in order to combat the
disease, for it had been found that contact with the earth had
beneficial results." This, however, led to a small crop for the
fourth year in a row. After such recurring failures in the
currant harvest, efforts were made to diversify agricultural
production in the Morea, including the hinterland of Patras, and
olive trees were planted while wild olive trees were being grafted."
In the early 1860s, during the American civil war, the British
consul in Patras even suggested that British capitalists experiment with cultivating cotton, which was successfully produced
for local consumption in Livadia."
Fortunately for the growers and for the region's economic
prosperity, the disease was finally successfully combatted by
spraying the vines with copper sulfate. It proved the most
effective way to restore currant production." The following
Nineteenth-Century Greece & the Port City of Patras 19
year, the currant crop surpassed 18,000 tons; moreover, currant
production was expected to soon reach its former, pre-1852
levels." Although vineyard disease could still cause problems
with crop production (as the occurrence of peronosporos in the
1890s showed)," these were not of the magnitude outlined
above. With the crop's quality also restored, emphasis could
once again be given to this lucrative sector. Indeed, one might
say that a positive repercussion of the difficulties of 1852-1855
might well have been the averting of a crisis that had started
to emerge, as currant production levels were already overtaking
the demand levels in the international market. It was a trend
further accentuated by the economic crisis of the late 18405.60
The restoration of the currant crop to its old production levels
in the late 1850s fortunately coincided with the Victorian boom
of the third quarter of the nineteenth century in the European
economy.
Indeed, the combination of a continuous boom in the
British economy in the third quarter of the nineteenth century
and the phylloxera that affected French vineyards from the late
1870s on continued to offer Greek growers a lucrative and
expanding market for their crop. Such conditions produced the
boom in currant production and in the local economy of Patras
that lasted from 1878 to 1893. During this period, the region's
monoculture pattern was further reinforced as more vineyards
were planted by small-scale producers encouraged to do so by
market demand and the Greek government.
It is worth noting the increase in the annual currant crop
during this period: in 1867, the largest-to-date crop reached
49,521 tons; in 1871, this increased •to 63,518 tons; in 1877,
to 82,000 tons; and only two years later to 96,000 tons, as
vineyards planted in the 1860s and in the early 1870s were
starting to bear fruit. And as a result of still further vineyard
cultivation" (during this period olive trees made way for more
vineyards to be planted), production reached 127,000 tons in
1887 and no less than 160,000 tons a year later!
During •the currant boom, France also became a major
buyer in order to sustain its wine-making industry, since its own
vineyards were destroyed by phylloxera. However, as the needs
of the French wine industry were basically met by lower20
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
quality fruit, then in strong demand, the result was that the
prices of all qualities of currants increased, including the top
variety imported by Britain. This also led to an increase in
grape cultivation for lesser quality currants in areas of the Morea
where poor soil did not encourage the successful cultivation of
many other crops. These, of course, were the areas that proved
the most vulnerable when, with the closing of the French market, the slump in demand for such currants came; producers
there faced the most difficulties when the need came to
diversify."
France remained an important purchaser of currants from
Patras between 1877 and and 1891, which was how long it took
for the French vineyards to recover from the phylloxera attack." By 1893, French viticulture was back to normal levels
of production. That year French buyers basically withdrew from
the Greek market; a prohibitively high tax was placed on imported currants." With the Great Depression of 1893 affect•ng world trade, the bottom fell out of the currant trade. The
declaration of bankruptcy by the Greek state the same year
shows how far-reaching the collapse of the currant trade was
for the whole of the Greek economy, not only for the Morea, and
how considerable was the reliance of the Greek economy on
the export of a single crop.
All areas in the Morea, where currant production had basically
,acquired the dimensions of a monoculture, suffered; areas
producing top-quality currants, such as the Gulf of Corinth,
were not spared. The plain of Elis, in the nomos of Elis,
was particularly hard hit as the largest currant producing district in the Morea.71 In the face of impending social unrest in the
Peloponnese," the Greek government was prompted to find
political solutions to what was basically an economic problem
inherent in, and part of, the risks of monoculture. And although
it might well have resulted "in an economic waste ... being
perpetuated by the bolstering up indefinitely of an industry
at an inflated condition,' the alternative, at least in the short
term, was impossible to contemplate, both politically and
socially.
At the same time, however, solutions that were politically
and socially motivated were not particularly suited to solving
Nineteenth-Century Greece & the Port City of Patras 21
an economic problem. Probably equally fundamental was the
fact that, given that credit remained expensive in the rural
sector, small-scale producers could simply not afford to diversify
without massive subsidies from the state, the likes of which
were probably not at the state's disposal."' Thus various government schemes, costly but not as encompassing as they probably should have been, succeeded one another. For a different
number of reasons each time, they all failed to solve the overproduction crisis." By the early twentieth century, currant production still continued to exceed world consumption by approximately 305!"
The Organization of Trade
Patras's economic milieu and commercial practices were
in many respects similar to those of other economic centers of
comparable size in the eastern Mediterranean where trade, and
particularly export trade, formed an important sector of the
local economy irrespective of the existence of agricultural monoculture patterns fri the outlying regions. And, as elsewhere in
the eastern Mediterranean, there was a lot of competition in
Patras in both the export and import trade.
Exporters established in Pa.tras were local (Greek) and
foreign (western European) merchants," the latter being predominantly British exporters who usually dealt with their principals in Britain directly." Greek exporters could also have
principals (British or Greek) in Britain to whom they sent
currants. Exporters often employed local agents to purchase the
crop in the interior. They also frequently employed agents or
brokers to see the produce through Greek customs and on board
the ship." British merchant houses, active in Patras's currant
trade, were often agents for British steamship companies; in
other words, they did not buy currants (or other goods for
that matter) on their own account, but on behalf of the shipping company." However, there were also merchants, such as
Messrs. I3arff & Co., who bought and shipped currants on their
own account.81
The export trade was not in the sole hands of large-scale
22
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
entrepreneurs, however. Small shippers and growers, particularly
by the second half of the century, shipped produce abroad for
sale on their own account. Shipping currants from smaller ports
to Patras, from where they would be sent to the international
market, could also be carried out by smaller-scale entrepreneurs."
Getting the right price, for the cultivators and local dealers
as well as for the exporters to make a profit, was often an
arduous exercise." This was due to a number of reasons, among
which were high freight rates and constant fluctuations in the
prices as well as the tendency for currant prices to fall over
the course of the nineteenth century as a whole." In the short
term, however, strong competition among various exporters,
local and foreign, could lead to a seller's market and to prices
in Patras overtaking those in London even when freight rates
were not high," and even more so when they were." What
tended to inflate prices was the degree of speculation that
went on, through advance purchasing, concerning the quality
and price of the crop before the harvest. Whenever such a
practice became widespread, as was the case during the period
of high French demand, it could put pressure on the speculators
to pay higher prices for the remaning currants in the market in
order to meet, even at a loss, prior commitments. Speculation
on the future crop through advance purchasing was not unique
•to Patra.s but occurred at the time throughout the eastern Mediterranean." The growers were often the beneficiaries from such
competition."
Another way that western European merchants were involved in the export trade was through financing agricultural
production. Especially the first half of the century, before Greek
merchants had adequately developed their financial networks,
British merchants actively lent money not only to local merchants
in Patras but also to growers in its hinterland.
In the import trade, British manufacturers, among others,
in order to ensure that their clients were sufficiently enticed,
sent agents (called commercial travelers) to the interior of the
port city to find out about local tastes as well as which goods
(Western or local) might be rivaling their own. It was a
practice of unproven success, yet eagerly adhered to by Western
manufacturers of all nationalities in other areas, too, in the
Nineteenth-Century Greece & the Port City of Patras
23
eastern Mediterranean." At the same time, local importing firms
sent representatives abroad, particularly to Britain, to better
acquaint themselves with the current fashions, prices, and availability of goods, especially in the textile sector": textiles had
constituted the most important import commodity in the eastern
Mediterranean since at least the eighteenth century." Greek
merchants usually held in their hands the distribution networks
inside Greece (including its immediate hinterland) for goods
imported into Patras from abroad."
Again, as was characteristic not only of the Greek economy but also of other economies in the area, such as the Ottoman, long- and short-term credit played an important part in
the import trade. For despite the easing of money over the
course of the nineteenth century, the small-scale entrepreneur
still experienced relative capital scarcity. Thus the Western
manufacturer and would-be exporter also had to ensure, besides the competitiveness of his goods, the reliability of the local
wholesaler or retailer to whom he might have to sell his goods
on credit. This was a risk the exporter had to take." It was also
a risk worth taking, in Patras as elsewhere in the eastern Mediterranean, for Western exporters were eventually paid. Fraudulence
was not the norm.
Patras's Maritime Links with the International Market
Throughout the nineteenth century, Patras enjoyed very
good maritime links with the international market, a •fact that
contributed to its integration within this market. Just a few
years after the end of the Greek War of Independence, in
1833, an Austrian steamship line started sailing between Trieste
and Patras at regular intervals, either going along the Dalmatian
coast or via the Ionian islands. Although its trade could not
compare in value with Britain's trade with Patras, Trieste nevertheless was quite an important market for an array of Patras's
exports besides currants. British steamship lines did not lag far
behind the Austrian: a line linking Malta to Patras was inaugurated in 1838, while another shipping line running between
Falmouth and Patras was started in 1840." Other lines, for in24
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
stance Maltese and French, were soon added, affording Patras
fast and efficient access to the Western market." Competition in this sector, as in trade, was strong. To the Western
shipping lines were added Greek ones as the Greek merchant
marine started to recover from the setback it suffered during
the Greek War of Independence and to reenter this sector in
the 1840s." The practice of having the master act also as a
supercargo (that is, as the cargo owner's commercial agent).
which was common among the Greeks at that time, was used
to make them more competitive."
The proximity of Patras to the Ionian islands, which until
1864 were part of the British empire and thus had access to
the British economy, reinforced the Peloponnesian port's links
to the British market in the early nineteenth century. For British
goods also reached Patras, and vice-versa, via the Ionian islands,
which were well connected with the principal British ports by
steamers, such as the Liverpool-Corfu steamship lines," as well
as the islands' connections with the Italian market through
Austrian steamers. By the time the Ionian islands became part
of the Greek state, direct shipping lines linked Patras to Liverpool. By the 1880s, British steamers carrying not only goods
but also passengers linked the two ports at fortnightly intervals." At about the same time, rival Austrian steamers also
connected Patras—also at fortnightly intervals—with ships coming either from Brindisi or from the Dalmatian coast and
Corfu, carrying goods, passengers, and mail. By then, as the
Greek merchant marine took off economically, three Greek
shipping companies also plied the sea between Pa.tras and its
network of Greek and other European ports.10°
For the merchants, there were many advantages to regular
steamers, particularly the large ones that were frequently used
by the 1860s, despite their higher freight rates. For although
they took only part of their cargo from Patras, they got the
currants to the British market quicker and with less of them
damaged. At the same time, their exact dates of arrival provided
a regular contact with Patras, which could also well serve manufacturers exporting goods to Patras from western Europe. Despite
the competition, however, high freight rates combined with
moderate prices could reduce the profit margins of currant exNineteenth-Century Greece & the Port City of Patras
25
porters to the point of making exports unprofitable.
Apart from long-distance shipping, coastal maritime connections were also important for Patras. As the internal system
of road communications remained poor for most of the nineteenth century, despite improvements in the latter part of the
century, inland communications could be costly and hazardous,
for they could easily fall prey to brigandage. Thus, small coasting vessels were used at times to get currants from nearby
smaller ports to Patra.s for shipment abroad, as was the case
with Pyrgos.mi Such vessels, as well as any freight business connecting Patras with the Ionian islands, were usually in the hands
of Greek capitalists.
Economic Takeoff:
Light Industry and Infrastructure
Besides Patras's close links with the international market,
in the last quarter of the nineteenth century, as part of the
overall growth of the national economy, Patras developed its
links with the rest of the Greek market, too. For instance, instead of meeting all its sulphur needs for vine-spraying against
phylloxera by importing sulphur from Britain, it was now also
getting sulphur at a competitive price from the island of
Milos,'" where a locally financed mining enterprise was established for extracting the mineral. Also, although Patras continued to import textile goods from abroad, it was also buying
cloth from manufacturing establishments in Piraeus as well as
from its environs, where the cloth was made from cotton grown
-within Greece.'"
Outing the same period, as part of both the national pattern of economic growth and local conditions, there was a relative takeoff in Patras's light industrial sector. Indeed, capital
accumulation from a prospering commerce as well as investment from abroad reinforced such economic trends in the
Peloponnesian town. By the mid-1870s, several steam engines
were employed in the textile sector spinning cotton from Livadia
into twist, which rivaled British imports into the area.'" At
the same time, there also was a flourishing food processing
26
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
industry in the port city. A steam flour mill was used to make
good quality bread and macaroni in quantifies enough not only
for distribution in the region but also for export to the Levant.'
There were also some industries related to its principal export:
there were two steam mills for grinding sulphur to spray currants and a steam mill for sawing wood for currant cases. There
was also a soap factory in Patras that catered mostly to local
needs." In nearby Galaxidi, there was a shipbuilding industry
with capital participation from merchants in Patras.1"
The principal wine-making concern was a German joint
stock company called Achaia, part of whose £20,000 capital
was subscribed by British firms in London. Besides the foreignowned ones, there were several Greek wine companies catering
mainly to the domestic market." They also exported wine and
other spirits. Such exports were small in value, however, especially when compared to the value of the currant exports. Clearly
it was in the latter sector where the biggest profits were made.
Another illustration of economic growth can be seen in
the infrastructure Patras acquired in the final decades of the
century, an infrastructure partly paid for with money from the
local municipality (e.g., the French-engineered waterworks of
the town." French engineering was also responsible for the
construction of part of Patras's harbor to improve facilities
for ships anchoring there." Similar projects were completed in
Patras's hinterland. A male in Catacolo was constructed in the
1870s, paid for by a local tax on currants.'
Patras was also connected with the Ionian islands and
Britain through telegraph lines. Telegraph was particularly
useful during the export season, which was also the peak period
for shipping." Improvements were also made in the road system that linked Patras with the immediate hinterland." The
two biggest projects for the region, the Athens-Patras railway
and the isthmus of Corinth canal, were also completed at that
time." But expectations for growth as a result of these two
projects were probably bigger than warranted, given the perimeters for growth of the Greek economy and the crisis in the
currant trade that affected the region at the close of the century.'
Nineteenth-Century Greece & the Port City of Patras
27
Conclusion
The monoculture of currant production and export brought
economic prosperity and growth to Patras in the course of the
nineteenth century, making the port city the major export port
of the Greek state and the third largest economic center in
the country. As a beneficiary of this monoculture, Patras continually attracted people, and it was able to recover relatively
quickly from the difficulties of the mid-nineteenth century as
well as from temporary price fluctuations in the currant trade.
Besides, the growth of its local industrial sector and the degree
of infrastructure that the town acquired in the process, as well
as the development of its domestic market, are further evidence
of Patras's economic growth, wealth, and degree of capital accumulation. Although this growth was part of the overall growth
in the Greek economy that took place in that period, it was
further reinforced in Patras by a successful currant export trade
and in particular by the currant boom of 1878 1893.
Yet when the lucrative French market closed and the slump
in the world market made the discrepancy between local production and world consumption of currants particularly wide, the
blow to Patras's economy, greatly dependent as it was on vineyard cultivation for the curant trade, was considerable. The
bankruptcy of Greece in 1893 shows the enormity of the crisis
on the national level. Patras's economy was certainly not quite
as devastated as that of the surrounding countryside, due to
Patras's residual wealth and to the fact that a certain amount
of high-quality currants still continued to be exported through
the port city and profited those who handled such trade. The
port city even acquired other supplementary functions—it became the Greek port for migration to the United States in the
early twentieth century. Nevertheless, the serious and protracted
nature of the crisis heralded the end of a successful monoculture and thus of the special conditions that had made Patras's
economic fortune for nearly a century.
-
28
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
NOTES
1E.g., Public Record Office, London, FO 32/235, Consul T. Wood, Patras,
30 Jan. 1855 to Foreign Office, London. Hereafter this archive will be cited
as PRO; the Foreign Office will be cited as FO. See also E. Dodwell, Classical
and Topographical Tour through Greece during the Years 1801, 1805, and
1806 (London: 1819), p. 119; W. M. Leake, Travels in the Morea (London:
1830), vol. II, P. 124; A. Philippson, "Zur Vegetationskarte des Peloponnes,"
Petermanns Geographische Meitelungen, No. 41, pp. 273-279; S. S. Wilson, A
Narrative of the Greek Mission, or Sixteen Years in Malta and Greece (London:
1839), p. 481.
2See Malcolm Wagstaff and Elena Frangakis-Syrett, "The Port of Patras
in the Second Ottoman Period: Economy, Demography and Settlements, c.
1700 1830," Revue du Monde Musulman et de la Mediterranei (1992), No
66-4, pp. 79-94.
3E.g., PRO, SP 105/139, Consul P. J. Green, Patras, 7 April 1821 to
Levant Company, London; SP 105/140, Green, Patras, 28 Oct. 1822 to Levant
Company, London.
4Nikos Bakounakis, Patra, 1828-1860 (Athens: 1988), pp. 21-23.
5E.g., PRO, FO 32/210, Consul T. Wood, Patras, 9 Feb. 1853 to FO,
London: FO 32/235, T. Wood, Patras, 30 Jan. 1855 to FO, London.
°Parliamentary Papers, Accounts & Papers, vol. XCV, Annual Series Report
for 1908 (London: 1090). Hereafter this archive will be cited as PP, A&P.
7PRO, FO 32/81, Consul G. W. Crowe, Patras, 2 Feb. 1838 to FO,
London.
8Christina Agriantoni, I aparhes th ekviomihanisis stin Elladha ton 190
eona (Athens: 1896), pp. 63-67.
2P1?O, FO 32/235, T. Wood, Patras, 30 Jan. 1855 to FO, London.
13Although Patra.s was the principal port for the export of currants in
the region, valonea was not only exported from Patras but also from Mani and
Navarino, while locally produced silk stuffs were exported primarily from
Kalamata to France and Italy, among other markets. Such trade, however, never
reached the proportions of Patras's currant export trade. For instance, valonea
could not always be sold profitably in Britain due to the expense of freight
rates to London. PRO, FO 32/210, T. Wood, Patras, 24 Jan. 1853 to FO,
London; see also FO 32/146, Crowe, Patras, 19 Jan. 1846 to FO, London and
FO 286/260, Consul H. S. Ongley, Patras, 18 Oct. 1869 to Hon. Edward
Morris Erskine, Ambassador, Athens.
"Currants were the biggest export of Greece in the nineteenth century. E.g.,
M. Synarelis, "To exoteriko emborio ton 190 eona," Historica, 1/2 (1984),
pp. 362-363; Agriantoni, I aparhes . ,p. 62, and Petros Pizanias, I ikonomiki
istortia tis ellinkis stafidas, 1851-1912 (Athens: 1988), Pp. 43-51.
12PR0, FO 286/280, Annual Trade Report for 1871.
-
14PR0, FO 32/235, T. Wood, Patras, 30 Jan. 1855 to FO, London.
15For the early part of the century, see (e.g.) PRO, FO 32/73, Crowe,
Patras, 18 Jan. 1837 to FO, London; FO 32/146, Crowe, Patras, 19 Jan. 1846
to FO, London. Later in the century, Britain was still dominating the top end
of the market in the import of cloth. E.g., PRO, 286/384, Consul Th. Wood,
Patras, 17 Jan. 1887 to Sir Horace Rumbold, Bart., Ambassador, Athens.
Nineteenth-Century Greece & the Port City of Patras
29
I6For instance, in the early part of the century British goods often reached
Patras via the Ionian islands.
17PR0, FO 32/81, Crowe, Patras, 2 Feb. 1838 to FO, London; see also,
FO 32/73, Crowe, Patras, 18 Jan. 1837 to FO, London.
19Although not altogether for the same reasons, capital scarcity was also
characteristic of other economies in the region at the time. E.g., PRO, FO
78/490, Consul Sandison, Bursa, 5 Feb. 1842 to FO, London; FO 78/1111,
Sandison, 15 Jan. 1855 to FO, London; see also Elena Frangakis-Syrett, "The
Greek Mercantile Community of Izmir in the First Half of the Nineteenth
Century" in Daniel Panzac, dir., Les Ville: dans PEmpire ottoman: Activitis
et Societcss, vol. I (Paris: 1991), pp. 406-409.
19PR0, FO 32/81, Crowe, Patras, 27 April 1838 to FO, London; see
also ibid., Crowe, Patras, 31 Aug. 1838 to FO, London.
20It must be noted, however, that the government had, at least during the
Kapodistrian period, undertaken certain measures to facilitate trade and to promote
exports in particular. It had established a new tariff; it had reduced export
duties; it had introduced a bonding and warehousing system on a moderate
transit duty and allowed free traffic from port to port within the territories of
the state without any further payment of duty. PRO, FO 286/7, Crowe, Patras,
2 June 1830 to Ambassador, Athens.
mpg°, FO 286/280, Ongley, Patras, 18 Oct. 1869 to Erskine, Athens.
22E.g., PRO, FO 32/235, T. Wood, Patras, 30 Jan. 1855 to FO, London;
FO 286/262, Ongley, Patras, 31 July 1869 to Erskine, Athens; FO 286/280,
Ongley, Patras, 6 March 1872 to Erskine, Athens; FO 286/328, Th. Wood,
Patras, 25 Aug. & 15 Sept. 1879 to Edwin Corbett, Esq. Ambassador, Athens.
22PR0, FO 286/243, Ongley, Patras, 13 July 1867 to Erskine, Athens.
24Despite demographic growth, the lack of manpower persisted throughout
the century. The government tried to offer solutions to this problem by, for
instance, organizing migration in the 1870s from southern Italy to the region
of Albanian-speaking Greek Orthodox cultivators, to whom it gave land at
favorable terms. PRO, FO 286/308, 'I'. Wood, Patras, 18 Jan. 1877 to Hon.
William Stuart, Ambassador, Athens.
29Although other reasons also account for this, it was nevertheless not unusual for local large-scale landholders to prefer to sell or rent their land rather
than stay on the land and work it as a commercialized enterprise. FO 286/280,
Ongley, Patras, 18 Oct. 1869 to Erskine, Ambassador, Athens,
26Agriantoni, I aparbes . . . pp. 83, 156-157.
22E.g., PRO, FO 195/942, Consul R. W. Cumberbatch, Izmir, 3 June 1870
to Sir Henry George Elliot, Ambassador, Istanbul; FO 195/518, Acting-Consul
S. Joly, Izmir, 25 Sept. 1885 to Sir William Arthur White, Ambassador,
Istanbul.
29E.g., PRO, FO 286/7, John Pybuna to Crowe, Patras, 15 June 1830,
29PR0, FO 32/146, Crowe, Patras, 19 Jan. 1846 to FO, London. The bank
proved to be a rather temporary enterprise, for it was dissolved c. May 1847;
see Bakounakis, Patra (Athens: 1988), pp. 129-130. Bakounakis seems to imply
that the British bank stopped operations due to competition from the National
Bank of Greece, which had opened a branch in Patras the previous year. However, I would think the reason for the British bank's closure to be the 1847-48
European economic crisis and perhaps any overspeculative activities on the
part of the bank's founders, Robertson and Green, rather than the appearance
of the National Bank of Greece. Besides, the Ionian Bank continued to operate
30
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
in Patras despite the appearance of the branch of the National Bank of dreece.
An additional reason for the dosure of the British bank might have been attributed to the intense lawlessness, rebellions, and brigandage that engulfed the
area at the time, while the 1848 revolutions in Europe a year later caused
further excitement among the local population. E.g., PRO, FO 32/157, T.
Wood, Patras, 19 Dec. 1847 to FO, London; FO 32/167, T. Wood, Patras,
22 March & 10 May 1848 to FO, London.
30Bakounakis, Patra
p. 129; see also Vasias Tsokopoulos,
1835-1870 (Athens: 1984), p. 167.
31E.g., PRO, FO 195/177, Consul R. W. Brant, Izmir, 20 Jan. 1843 to
Sir Stratford Canning, Ambassador, Istanbul.
32Bakounalds, Patra.
p. 128; see also, V. ICardasis, Syros. Stavrodhromi
tis Anatolikis Mesogioa, 1832-1857 (Athens: 1987), p. 214. The establishment
of the National Bank of Greece was also noted by the British consul in Piraeus,
who observed that the bank had "a miserable 120,000" (or Drs 560,000, at
the prevailing exchange rate for the period of Drs 28/.£1) as the initial capital
at its disposal. PRO, FO 32/214, J. Green, Athens & Piraeus, 6 Jan. 1843 to
FO, London. The fact that the consul was also one of the two founders and the
director of the rival Commercial Bank, wihch had also just started operations,
obviously had a lot to do with his disparaging remarks ! See also V. Tsokopoulos,
Pireas, pp. 167-168.
33E.g., PRO, FO 286/269, Ongley, Patras, 14 April 1870 to Erskine,
Athens; see also Bakounakis, Patra..., pp. 130-133.
34PR0, FO 32/146, Crowe, Patras, 19 Jan. 1846 to FO, London.
35PR0, FO 32/186, Wood, Patras, 1 June 1850 to FO, London.
33PR0, FO 32/139, Crowe, Patras, 19 Jan. 1845 to FO, London,
37PR0, FO 32/210, T. Wood, Patras, 24 Jan. 1853 to FO, London.
"For instance, there was a considerable amount of British property both
in Patras and in the surrounding area by the latter part of the century. E.g.,
PRO, FO 286/328, Th. Wood, Patras, 25 Aug. 1879 to Corbett, Athens.
"Agriantoni, I aparhes
273.
"PRO, FO 286/262, Consul C. R. W. Merlin, The Piraeus, 2 Nov. 1869
to Erskine, Athens.
41PR0, FO 286/262, Ongley, Patras, 18 Oct. 1869 to Erskine, Athens.
For the National Bank of Greece gave loans at 8-10% interest with either
the property as collateral or against bills having three signatures. And, unlike
other banks, it could sell the property of a bad debtor without having to go
through time-consuming and complex legal formalities.
la
"Bakounakis, Patra.. .,pp. 129-133; see also, idem., "La vigne
vile: qui finance la culture?" in G. Dertilis, dir., Banquiers, usuriers et paysans
(Paris: 1988), pp. 91-93 and idem., "Production secondaire et conjoncutre: Le
cas de Patras, 1828-1858," Actes du Ile Colloque International d'Histoire, vol.
II (Athens: 1986), pp. 343-347.
"PRO, FO 286/470, Consul F. B. Wood, Patras, 14 March 1902 to Sir
Edwin Henry Egerton, Ambassador, Athens.
"PRO, FO 32/81, Crowe, Patras, 19 July 1938 to FO, London.
"PRO, FO 286/566, F. B. Wood, Patras, 8 April 1913 to Sir Francis
Edmund Hugh Elliot, Ambassador, Athens.
"Bakounakis, Patra
p. 137.
"E.g., Resat Ka.saba, The Ottoman Empire and the World Economy. The
Nineteenth Century (New York: 1988), pp. 61-65; Elena Frangakis-Syrett,
Nineteenth-Century Greece & the Port City of Patras
31
The Trade of Cotton and Cloth in Izmir. From the Second Half of the
Eighteenth Century to the Early Nineteenth Century," in C. Keyder and F.
Tabak, eds., Landholding and Commercial Agriculture in the Middle East
(New York: 1991), pp. 101-104.
"PRO, FO 286/262, Ongley, Patras, 18 Oct. 1869 to Erskine, Athens.
49PRO, FO 32/296, Ongley, Fatras, 18 Feb. 1861 to FO, London.
"PRO, FO 286/262, Ongley, Patras, 18 Oct. 1869 to Erskine, London.
"PRO, FO 286/262, Ongley, Patras, 18 Oct. 1869 to Erskine, Athens.
"PRO, FO 286/308, T. Wood, Patras, 18 Jan. 1877 to Stuart, Athens.
"PRO, FO 32/210, T. Wood, Patras, 19 Aug. 1853 to FO, London.
54PRO, FO 32/201, T. Wood, Patras, 29 Jan. 1852 to FO, London.
"PRO, FO 32/210, T. Wood, Patras, 24 Jan. 1853 to FO, London.
"PRO, FO 32/210, T. Wood, Patras, 9 Feb. 1853 to FO, London.
"PRO, FO 32/210, T. Wood, Patras, 19 Aug. 1853 to FO, London.
58PR0, FO 32/235, T. Wood, Patras, 30 Jan. 1855 to FO, London.
"PRO, FO 32/235, T. Wood, Patras, 30 Jan. 1855 to FO, London.
"PRO, FO 32/235, T. Wood, Patras, 14 June 1855 to FO, London.
61PR0, FO 32/235, T. Wood, Patras, 30 Jan. 1855 to FO London. This
must have been a laborious process, for olive trees take even longer than
currants, over 10 years, to come to fruition; it was also not an easy option for
small-scale cultivators who did not have a surplus to live off in the meantime.
"PRO, FO 32/296, Ongley, Patras, 18 Feb. 1861 to FO, London. There
does not seem to be any evidence that such a scheme was ever put into practice.
"PRO, FO 32/210, T. Wood, Patras, 9 Feb. & 19 Aug. 1853 to FO,
London; see also FO 32/235, T. Wood, Patras, 30 Jan. & 14 June 1855 to
FO. It was used throughout the century and was often imported from Britain.
E.g., FO 286/463, F. B. Wood, Patras, 8 Oct. 1900 to Sir Edwin Henry
Egerton, Ambassador, Athens.
"PRO, FO 32/256, T. Wood, Patras, 30 Jan. 1857 to FO, London.
63PP, A&P, vol. XCVI, Annual Series Report for 1897 (London: 1898),
p. 415.
"PRO, FO 32/173, T. Wood, Patras, 17 Jan. 1849 to FO, London.
"E.g., PRO, FO 286/352, Th, Wood, Patras, 14 Jan. 1882 to Francis
Clare Ford, Esq., Ambassador, Athens; FO 286/384, Th. Wood, Patras, 18
Jan. 1887 to Rumbold, Athens.
68A. Andreades, "The Currant Crisis in Greece," Economic Journal, vol. 16
(1906), pp. 43-44.
"During this period, France increased its imports of currants from 7,000
tons in 1878 to 70,000 tons in 1889-the peak year of French imports!
"For more information on the developments that led to this tax in France,
see Pizanias, lkonomihi %istoria .. , pp. 108-123.
71Th. Burlumi, "The Overproduction of Currants," Economic Journal, vol. 9
(1899), p. 641.
72/bid., p. 645.
73PP, A&P, vol. XC, Annual Series Report for 1906 (London, 1907).
"It is probably symptomatic of the dilemma faced by the producers
that vineyard cultivation actually continued to expand in the early years
of the overproduction crisis, before government decrees and the harshness
of the economic situation put an end to this practice. Andreades, "The
Currant Crisis. ," pp. 49-50.
"Even the major banks in Greece (representing both Greek and foreign
32
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
capital), such as the National Bank of Greece, the Bank of Athens, and the
Ionian Bank, became involved making government-backed loans to the Currant
Bank to enable it to buy, and thus remove, substantial amounts of currants
from the market in an effort to boost prices. It is doubtful, however, whether
any influx of money by the government, however large, could have solved the
situation. For more details on such questions, see Elena Frangakis-Syrett,
"Patras," Review, vol. XVI/4 (1993), pp. 426-432; and, also, J. ICipps, "The
Greek Currant Trade," Economic History, vol. 2 (1930-33), pp. 141-147.
78PRO, FO 286/478, F. B. Wood, Patras, 3 March 1903 to Mr. Strong,
HM Envoy Extraordinary, Athens. The slump in the world market for currants
was not only affecting Greece but also some other currant-producing areas in
the eastern Mediterranean such as western Anatolia in the Ottoman empire.
However, as currant production had not acquired the dimensions of monoculture
in the latter area, the economic effects were not in any way as devastating on
the local economy.
77PR0, 32/173, T. Wood, Patras, 17 Jan. 1849 to FO, London.
78PR0, FO 286/212, British merchants, Patras, 11 April 1862 to Ongley,
Patras.
79PR0, FO 286/229, Barff & Co., Patras, 19 Feb. 1864 to Ongley, Patras.
89This practice was probably more pronounced in Patras than elsewhere in
the eastern Mediterranean, due to the fact that there were likely to be few
opportunities for lucrative economic activities which were not related to the
currant trade.
81PRO, FO 286/243, Ongley, Patras, 13 July 1867 to Erskine, Athens; see
also FO 32/167, T. Wood, Patras, 8 Dec. 1848 to FO, London.
82PR0, FO 286/420, F. B. Wood, Patras, 3 Aug. 1893 to Charge d'Affaires,
Athens.
88PRO, FO 286/229, Ongley, Patras, 29 Aug. 1864 to Erskine, Athens.
840n the trends of currant prices, see Agriantoni, I apaches ..., pp. 63-67,
and Pizanias, lhonorniki istoria
, pp. 84-107.
85PR0, FO 286/229, Ongley, Patras, 3 Oct. 1864, to Hon. Peter Campbell
Scarlett, Ambassador, Athens.
88PR0, FO 286/285, Ongley, Patras, 15 Nov. 1873 to Stuart, Athens.
"Archives du Ministere des Affaires Etrangeres, Paris, NS, vol. 480,
Annual Commercial Reports. Hereafter this archive will be cited as AMAE.
88PR0, FO 286/352, Th. Wood, Patras, 14 Jan. 1882 to Corbett, Athens.
89AMAE, NS, vol. 480, Minister of Commerce, Paris, 4 Nov. 1905 to
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paris.
90PR0, FO 286/384, T. Wood, Patras, 18 Jan. 1887 to Rumbold, Athens.
91E.g., Vasilis Kremmydas, To emborio ti,r Peloponnisou sto 18° eona,
1715-1789 (Athens: 1972), pp. 131-138; Nicolas Svoronos, Le Commerce de
Salonique an XVIIIe siècle (Paris: 1956), pp. 220-229; Elena FrangakisSyrett, The Commerce of Smyrna in the Eighteenth Century, 1700-1820 (Athens:
1992), pp. 191-207.
92PRO, FO 32/235, T. Wood, Patras, 30 Jan. 1855 to FO, London.
98PR0, FO 286/470, F. B. Wood, Patras, 14 March 1902 to Egerton,
Athens: see also, AMAE, NS, vol. 480, Minister of Commerce, Paris, 4 Nov.
1905 to Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paris and National Archives, Washington,
DC, RG 84, vol. 17, US General Consul G. Bie Ravndal, Istanbul, 28 Nov.
1911 to W. W. Rockhill, US Ambassador, Istanbul.
94N. Bakounakis, "Recherches rut la villa de Patrol'. La Rennaissance,
Nineteenth-Century Greece & the Port City of Patras
33
1828 1858" (unpublished diplome de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences
Sociales, Paris, May 1983), pp. 197-198; see also, PRO, FO 32/91, Crowe,
Patras, 2 Feb. & 30 July 1838 to FO, London.
96PR0, FO 32/146, Crowe, Patras, 9 May 1846 to FO, London.
96This was also the period when Greeks started to compete more actively
with western European merchants in the export trade of Patras.
97PR0, FO 32/157, T. Wood, Patras, 21 June 1847 to FO, London.
98PR0, FO 32/256, T. Wood, Patras, 3 Jan. 1857 to FO, London.
99E.g., PRO, FO 286/269, Commercial Report for 1869; see also, FO
286/384, Th. Wood, Patras, 18 Jan. 1887 to Rumbold, Athens.
100E.g., PRO, FO 286/352, Th. Wood, Patras, 14 Jan. 1882 to Ford,
Athens; FO 286/352, Th, Wood, Patras, 18 Jan. 1887 to Rumbold, Athens.
101PR0, FO 32/256, T. Wood, Patras, 3 Jan. 1857 to FO, London.
108PR0, FO 286/384, Th. Wood, Patras, 18 Jan. 1887 to Rurnbold, Athens.
103PR0, FO 286/308, Th. Wood, Patras, 18 Jan. 1877 to Stuart, Athens,
16IPRO, FO 286/297, Th. Wood, Patras, 13 Jan. 1875 to Stuart, Athens;
see also FO 286/308, Th. Wood, Patras, 18 Jan. 1877 to Stuart, Athens.
196PR0, FO 286/352, Th. Wood, Patras, 14 Jan. 1882 to Ford, Athens.
106PR0, FO 286/308, Annual Trade Report for 1876.
107PR0, FO 286/297, Th. Wood, Patras, 13 Jan. 1875 to Stuart, Athens.
iosPRO, FO 286/384, Th. Wood, Patras, 18 Jan. 1887 to Rumbold, Athens.
109PRO, FO 286/280, Annual Trade Report for 1871; see also, FO
286/297, Th. Wood, Patras, 13 Jan. 1875 to Stuart, Athens.
110PR0, FO 286/352, Th. Wood, Patras, 14 Jan. 1882 to Ford, Athens;
for more information on earlier works in the harbor of Patras, see Maria
Synarellis, Dhromi he limania stin Elladha, 1830-1880 (Athens: 1989), pp.
185-188.
11IPR0, FO 286/308, Th. Wood, Patras, 18 Jan. 1877 to Stuart, Athens;
, pp. 192-193.
see also, Synarellis, Dhromi Re lintania
FO 286/212, British merchants, Patras, 11 April 1862 to Ongley,
Patras; see also, FO 286/384, Th. Wood, Patras, 18 Jan. 1887 to Rumbold,
Athens.
113PR0, FO 286/352, Th. Wood, Patras, 14 Jan. 1882 to Ford, Athens.
114E.g., PP, A6P, vol. XCVIII, Annual Series for 1894 (London, 1895) ;
see also PRO, FO 286/352, Th. Wood, Patras to Ford, Athens.
118Added to these factors were the difficulties encountered in navigating
the Corinth canal: its insufficient breadth and the steepness of its sides, almost
at right angles with the waterway, together with the frequency of strong
currents, made the major steamship lines reluctant to adopt the Corinth canal
route despite the advantages offered by a shorter journey. PP, A&P, vol. XCVIII,
Annual Series Report for 1894 (London: 1895), pp. 4-5.
-
34
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
Germany and the Economic
Dimensions of the Establishment
of the Metaxas Regime
by MOGENS PELT
The advent of the Fourth of August Regime has conventionally been explained as a combined result of the repercussions
of the abortive Venizelist coup d'etat on March 1, 1935, and the
political deadlock following the general election on January 26,
1936, and by the sudden deaths of several leading politicians in
the first half of 1936.
These internal events in Greek politics are important factors
in understanding the process which led to Metaxas' dictatorship. But research in German archives, especially those belonging to the German foreign office (as well as to several Greek
and British counterparts) has convinced me that the establishment of the Metaxas dictatorship must also be seen against the
background of Germany's economic penetration into southeast
Europe in the 1930s, as this had an important impact on Greece's
economy and changed its international economic position significantly. The purpose of this article is to examine the
way in which Greece responded to this new challenge and its
effect on Greek politics, in order to single out some of the
forces which led to the Regime of the Fourth of August.
My approach to the subject is derived from a study of GreekGerman commercial relations in the 1930s (Pelt) and from my
Ph.D. thesis concerning Germany's policy toward Greece from
1929-1941.
In these works I have been inspired by the school of reDR. MOGENS PELT is a senior fellow at the Danish Institute in
Athens, Greece.
35
search which originated with Fritz Fischer and his pioneering
work Griff nach der Weltmacht (Germany's Aims in the First
World War, London 1967) and Krieg der Illusionen (War of
Illusions, London 1975). Fischer's thesis posits that the origin of
the First World War was a result of Germany's ambitions to become a political and economic world power on a par with Britain.
He provoked much discussion and aroused deep feelings, as he,
to a large extent, held Germany responsible for the First World
War and thus suggested—albeit very cautiously—similarities between this event and the Second World War. Instead of concentrating on the days of August 1914 and viewing the war
as a result of a political situation getting out of hand (as
German historiography had done so far, thus implying that no
one was really to blame), Fischer used a wider chronological
framework. To him the First World War was the culmination
of tensions caused by increasing German economic and political
power in the international system since the end of the last
century, and he explained political events in structural terms.
Methodologically, Fischer transcended the narrow approach of
diplomatic history. He included social factors, industry, business,
and finance as important factors—on the same level as politicians
and diplomats in the historical process. Fischer did focus on
foreign policy, but emphasized the importance of internal politics
and, in particular, the interaction between external and internal
factors.
It took years of historical work for his views to be accepted.
Attention was concentrated on the so-called "problem of continuation," i.e., what were the structures which connected the
Third Reich to the Weimar Republic and Imperial Germany ?—
and does it make sense to talk about continuation at all? Today
there is a broad consensus of opinion that it does.
Germany's expansion and plans for political domination of
central and southeast Europe have been singled out as an important link connecting imperial and interwar Germany. A
German-dominated central and southeast Europe, including the
Ottoman empire, was an important political aim in imperial
Germany, most conspicuously symbolized by the Berlin-Baghdad
railway, which was to connect Germany and central Europe to
the Balkans as well as to Anatolian and Middle Eastern tracts
36
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
of Ottoman land. This direction of expansion also remained a
goal in German political and business circles throughout the
interwar years. A first step was to bring about an "economic
and legal" rapprochement between Germany and Austria, a second to get the French-dominated security system, the Little
Entente between Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, and Romania dissolved in order to weaken France's position in that area. A final
step was to turn Vienna into a platform for German economic
and political hegemony over southeast Europe and Turkey.
(Wendt 1987)
Germany's trade policy has been seen as a key factor in
these efforts. By importing increasing quantities of the surplus
production from southeast Europe and organizing trade into
clearing systems, Germany managed to open the southeastern
countries to its own exports, thus undermining the position of
third countries in the area to such a degree that, by 1940,
southeast Europe had been turned into "dominions in an informal German Empire." This took place in spite of French,
British, and American capital investments being paramount. But,
in contrast to Germany, Britain did not coordinate the interests
of government and private enterprise in a joint offensive toward
southeast Europe. This was, on the one hand, due to the fact
that Britain turned toward its empire, and on the other due to
traditional resistance in Whitehall to using commercial policy
for political purposes. This view has met with opposition, notably
from Alan S. Milward. He sees Germany's dominant position in
southeast Europe as a result of political and military factors
and views German trade policy almost as a sign of weakness—
an ad hoc response to the effects of the world crisis. -Milward
has been criticized for his narrow statistical approach and his
neglect of diplomatic history. (Grenzebach) He fails to see the
long-term intentions behind German trade policy and misses the
point that it was intimately connected with Hitler's foreign and
military policy. Germany's aggressive foreign policy and• its war
of plunder have to be seen as a means to realize Hitler's goal of
acquiring Lebensraum (living space) by force, and can only be
understood as an innate consequence and a natural extension of
its economic policy in which trade policy played a crucial role
in relations with central and southeast Europe.
Germany and the Establishment of the Metaxas Regime 37
Interwar German ambitions of expansion toward central
and southeast Europe go back to 1926, when German heavy
industry preferred bilateral economic relations with southeast
Europe rather than participation with France in a European
tariff union. (Stegmann)
The world crisis triggered a disintegration of world trade
and soon led to rising protectionism. The Smoot-Hawley Tariff
Act of 1930 made access to the U.S. market difficult. With the
Ottowa Agreement of September 1932, Britain set up protective
barriers around the markets of the U.K. and its colonies and
dominions. France also turned toward its empire. Concomitant
with protectionism in home markets was rising competition
among the great powers for those markets on the periphery of
the developed world. Latin America became subject to fierce
U.S., British, and German competition. In Scandinavia, Britain
and Germany were rivals. Here Britain prevailed over Germany
in the early 1930s, and this caused German efforts to turn toward
central and southeast Europe.
By 1931, IG Farben, the world's largest chemical firm, and
Siemens, Germany's leading electrotechnical firm, had become
active in the Mitteleuropiiischer Wirtschaftstag. This was an
important step in many respects. Mitteleuropiiischer Wirtschaftstag was an influential debating and planning forum for German industry and the German state. It was headed by Thilo
von Wilmowsky, Krupp's brother-in-law and chairman of the
Krupp concern. Max Ilgner of IG Farben soon became vicepresident.
At the same time, central and southeast Europe became
subject to new initiatives in Germany's trade policy. A GermanAustrian tariff union was planned—as an economic prelude to
a later political Anschluss—but had to be given up in March
1931 because of resistance from Italy and France. This did not
stop Germany's ambitions of establishing bilateral connections
with the southeast. In June and July 1931 Germany concluded
bilateral trade agreements with Hungary and Rumania. The
agreements provided a framework for exchanging German industrial goods for raw materials and agricultural products, but
external pressure and internal resistance from agriculture prevented the implementation of both agreements.
38
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
It was not until 1934 that an efficient trade drive toward
central and southeast Europe, based on bilateral exchange, began. It was synonymous with the name of Hjalmer Schacht. He
became minister of economic affairs in July 1934, at a time
when Germany's reserves of hard currency and gold had sunk
dramatically and threatened to be totally drained by the following year, if the decline continued at the same rate. In September
1934 the so-called Neuer Plan (New Plan) was launched, promoting the maxim that Germany was only to buy from its own
customers. Foreign trade became subject to strict state control.
The aim was to promote exports of industrial goods in exchange for raw materials and agricultural products. The accounts were to be settled by clearing. This meant that payments
for imports were placed in an account in Berlin and could
only be liquidated by making purchases in Germany. (VoLkmann)
Another important aim of the plan was to gear the German
economy to Weberwirtschaft (war economy), i.e., military and
economic preparation for an armed conflict in order to realize
Hitler's ultimate goal of obtaining Lebensraum. To this end,
war was regarded as an acceptable, if not a desirable, means. On
February 3, 1933, Hitler for the first time as Reichs-chancellor
explained the goals of his aggressive foreign policy. In this
connection he made his conception of relations between military
power, foreign policy, and economy quite clear:
Building up the armed forces is the most important
precondition for achieving the goal: regaining political
power. t .. .3 How is political power to be used when
first acquired? At present impossible to say. Maybe to
conquer new possibilities of exports. Maybe and even
better—conquest of new Living Space in the East and
the reckless Germanification of it.'
German trade was to be shifted from overseas countries to
the European continent in order to make it immune from a
blockade such as the one which had crippling consequences for
Germany during World War I. The long-term goal was to
establish Ettropean autarchy, or Grossraumwirtschaft (big space
economy), as it was usually called. This was to be understood
Germany and the Establishment of the Metaxas Regime
39
as a regional economic autarchy under German leadership and
control, in which southeast Europe would produce primary products geared to Germany's needs, while Germany was to be its
industrial center. (Wendt)
A precondition was that Germany was to be surrounded by
a circle of politically friendly trading partners. Thus an early
priority in Germany's policy toward southeast Europe was to
strengthen relations with old friends and to acquire new ones.
In 1935, Germany's preparations for war took a huge step
forward, as a massive armaments program was initiated. This
moved investments from export-orientated sectors of German
industry to arms production, and produced internal pressure
within Germany to legalize the export of arms, which was
prohibited by the Treaty of Versailles. (Volkmann) On June
24, 1935, the minister of war, Werner von Blomberg, expressed
the following opinion on the matter:
The promotion and facilitation of German exports of
war material and the trade in arms and ammunition
with other countries is highly desirable for economic
and defence reasons. The manufacture of arms for exports is, in the long run, the most important, indeed
the only way of keeping our armaments firms productive and financially independent2
On July 9, 1935, Hitler let it be known that he did not regard the prohibition against the sale of German war equipment
as valid any longer, but thought it better not to make that position public until the time was ripe.s In August 1935 a consortium
of German corporations was formed to cooperate with the government in the sale of German weapons abroad. The consortium,
known as the Reichsgruppe Industrie Ausfuhrgemeinschaft far
Kriegsgeriit (AGK) consisted of some of Germany's leading
arms manufacturers, such as Friedrich Krupp AG, RheinmetallBorsig, AG, Otto Wolff, Mauser, etc. On November 6, 1935,
a few days after Italy's attack on Abyssinia, while world opinion
concentrated on this crisis, the German authorities decided that
the moment was right to make a public declaration that German
law now legalized the export of arms.
40
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
Germany now started pressing southeast Europe to buy
German military equipment. This, in turn, led to internal political
conflicts in countries like Rumania, Yugoslavia, and Greece, which
had all been allies of Britain and France during the First World
War, and whose armies had been equipped with British and
French arms, as well as being instructed by military experts from
Britain and France.
In the following pages, we will examine how Greece responded to the dual German pressure of expanding its imports from Germany, and, from 1935, buying German arms.
Structural Changes in Greece:
New Greece, Tobacco, and Germany
The liberation of Macedonia and western Thrace and
the influx of more than one million refugees in the wake of
the disastrous Greek campaign in Asia Minor constitutes a
major important structural change in modern Greek history.
More than two-thirds of all refugees had settled in northern
Greece.' This caused Macedonia and Thrace's tobacco to replace
the Peloponnese's currants as the pivotal point in Greece's export economy, and shifted the center of gravity in Greek trade
from currants and Britain to tobacco and Germany. Tobacco
was by far the most important item in exports, constituting from
40-50 percent of Greece's exports to Germany, and about 40
percent of Greece's total exports in the 1930s, while exports
to Germany ran from 29.7-38.5 percent of total Greek exports
during the period from the implementation of the New Plan
in 1934 to the outbreak of the Second World War. Thus, the
stability of the Greek economy, as well as social peace and
prosperity in "New Greece," became strongly dependent on
Germany.
Germany and the Establishment of the Metaxas Regime
41
TABLE 1:
Destination of exports of tobacco from Greece
1928-19395
1928
1933
1934
1935
1936
1937
1938
1939
Germany
44.59%
42.00
41.03
44.05
56.65
44.22
52.81
48.67
21.09
Italy
18.04
5.32
2.81
19.87
16.40
22.23
14.21
21.78
0.02
3.51
2.88
0
USA
17.045
17.63
2.80
As a consequence of the world crisis in 1931, it became impossible to obtain those foreign loans on which Greece had
depended heavily throughout the 1920s. In this manner receipts
from exports and invisible earnings, mainly from shipping and
contributions from emigrants, became the only two sources of
capital coming into Greece. Throughout the 1930s the ratio of
exports/invisible earnings fell from 87.5 percent in 1931 to
44.4 percent in 1938, so that the relative importance of exports
rose"
As an immediate consequence of the world crisis, the price of
tobacco collapsed—reaching its lowest point in 1933 when it constituted only 27 percent' of the 1929 level. In order to stabilize
prices and mitigate social And political consequences in northern
Greece, the state began to buy tobacco in 1931, with financial backing from the National Bank of Greece. The tobacco was stored for
later sale. To this end the so-called Central Committee for
Purchase and Administration of Tobacco (Kendriki epitropi
agoras ke diachiriseos kapna) was founded on October 20,
1931.8 In 1931 and 1932 acts to enforce strict control of imports
and currency were passed. As a consequence, Greek-German
trade almost came to a standstill by mid-1932.
Protracted negotiations between the leading German tobacco
company, Reemtsrna of Hamburg, and the Greek government
paved the way for the establishment of a general clearing agree42
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
ment between the Bank of Greece and the German Reichsbank;
it was signed in August 1932.
German purchases of Greek products rose in 1933 and
gained further momentum the following year. As imports from
Germany could not keep pace, assets in favor of Greece were
soon building up on the clearing account in Berlin.
At the same time, the German minister for Prussia, Hermann
GOring, initiated a political offensive toward southeast Europe.
Athens was on the itinerary from May 17-21, during his first
tour around the area. GOring met with prime minister Panagis
Tsaldaris and foreign minister Dimitrios Maximos.g It has not
been possible to establish details of these meetings, as Goring
did not keep Auswiirtiges Amt informed, a reticence typical of
him. But it is worth noticing that he was accompanied by several
high-ranking German officials, who were later to hold crucial
positions in the German state apparatus. Among those officials
was Paul KOrner, who later became state secretary in the ministry
of economics and GOring's deputy-commissioner for the Four
Year Plan from 1936; Erhard MiIch, undersecretary of state
for aviation; and Dr. Dorpmiiller, director-general of the German railways. In his annual report for 1934, the British minister
to Athens, Sidney Waterlow, reported that Goring had proposed that Greece should renew the rolling stock of its railways
from Germany." The following year, Waterlow learned from
Greek sources that Goring had also been trying to acquire interests in Greek small-arms production." As will be seen below, Greece did buy rolling stock from Germany, and important
contracts between the Greek armaments industry and German
industry were concluded in 1934 and 1935.
In June 1934, shortly after GOring's visit to Athens, the
deputy-governor of the Bank of Greece; _Kiriakos Varvaresos,
went to Berlin in •order to discuss rising Greek assets in the
clearing account with the German authorities. Greece stipulated
that the assets be liquidated in hard currency. This request could
not be met by the Germans, who insisted that Greece buy more
German goods. The only way in which Greece could turn its
credits in Germany into purchasing power and thus, in the long
term, maintain its volume of exports to Germany, was by expanding its imports from Germany. (Kacarkova)
Germany and the Establishment of the Metaxas Regime 43
In March 1935, the Germans, according to the Greek press,
made it a conditio sine qua non for further German purchases
of Greek tobacco that the Greeks increase imports from Germany substantially.' Varvaresos set off for Berlin and, during
meetings with the German authorities from April 2-6, the Greeks
agreed to enlarge -the contingent of imports from Germany."
Private German finance and business were also active in
making Greece expand its imports of German goods. In September 1934, Hans Pilder, director of the German Dresdner
Bank, member of the board of directors of Reerntsma, and a close
associate of Schacht, called the Greek middleman, D. N. Filaretos, to a meeting. Filaretos seems to have stayed in close contact
with the National Bank of Greece. Pilder told Filaretos that the
Reemtsma was interested in buying the so-called state tobacco
and asked the Greek to inform his government about this, via
the National Bank of Greece."
In May 1935, the National Bank of Greece concluded a
private clearing agreement with the Dresdner Bank and Reemtsma
which was to function independently of the official clearing
account from August 1932." The basis for the agreement was
that the German firm bought state tobacco worth 5 million RM.
The reciprocal arrangement was that Greece placed orders for
German industrial goods worth twice this amount, i.e., 10 million
RM."
TABLE 2:
Greek-German clearing trade 1933-1940, in
millions of RM. (Dritsa)
Imports
1933
1934
1935
1936
1937
1938
1939
1940
44
22.7
38.0
49.5
95.2
92.7
101.3
85.2
61.2
Exports
36.5
42.2
62.3
93.4
84.2
97.1
84.5
68.7
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
As mentioned above, the National Bank of Greece had a
considerable amount of capital tied to state tobacco, and therefore, the German industry, was interested in finding ways of
expanding German exports to Greece. It should also be added
that the National Bank of Greece also had a general interest in
the revitalization of Greek industry.
During 1935, the Greek State Railways, the Railways of
Thessaloniki, the Piraeus Gas Company, and the Athens Sewage
Company placed orders in Germany. These purchases were
financed by the Bank of Greece and the National Bank."
In 1935, Greek imports of quinine were shifted from Holland to Germany. This was made possible only after joint intervention by Greek authorities and the Dredsner Bank, directed
toward the international Dutch-dominated cartel of quinine manufacturers." The cartel had given in very reluctantly, and was by
no means ready to allow German quinine manufacturers to give
Greece the right to a so-called "state discount" which Greece
had been given when importing from Holland. Thus Greece
had to pay considerably higher prices for imports of quinine
from Germany," and its willingness to do so clearly illustrates
how far the Greek government was ready to go in order to
keep Greek-German trade in a healthy state.
After intervention by the German mission to Athens, the
Greek state forced the privately owned and British-dominated
Peloponnesian Railway Company to place its orders in Germany. In December 1934, the Peloponnesian Railway Company
had decided to place its orders in Italy and only final approval
from the Greek Ministry of Transport was needed in order to
realize the deal. The German firm Siemens-Schuchert, which
had originally failed to obtain orders from the railway company, asked Auswiirtiges Amt for assistance." The German legation in Athens made contact with the Greek ministry of transport, which then deliberately delayed its decision.21
The main British investor in the Peloponnesian Railway
Company, Hambros Bank, which also represented the smaller
British stockholders, tried in vain to resist." In late 1935, the
Peloponnesian Railway Company transferred its orders to
Siemens-Schuchert. This took place in spite of the fact that
Germany and the Establishment of the Metaxas Regime
45
prices charged by the German firm were considerably higher
than those of its competitors."
The most important British capital investment in Greece
was the Athens-Piraeus Electricity Company and Electric Transport Company, known as the "Power-Group," which supplied
Athens and Piraeus with electricity and ran the trams in the
Greek capital. (Mazower) By 1935, the company was due to
replace old machinery and rolling stock to a total value of £0.3
million, and it asked the Greek authorities for permission to buy
hard currency. On learning this, Filaretos contacted the minister
of economic affairs and the deputy-governor of the Bank of
Greece in order to force the company to place its orders in
Germany. According to Filaretos, the Director of the National
Bank of Greece, Ioannis Drossopoulos, who was also chairman
of the board of Power, was willing to do so only if he could
use the pretext that the Greek government had forced his
hand.' The Greek authorities then declined to grant Power hard
currency and told the company to make its purchases in Germany. Power then successfully requested that the British legation intervene. As a result of this, the Greek state and Power
came to an agreement that Power must place at least one-third
of its orders in Germany. Power was given the necessary currency to purchase the remaining two-thirds elsewhere.'
It is important to stress that the Greeks apparently gave
in to British political, rather than financial, pressure. In this
connection, it is worth remembering that Britain had little realistic chance of exerting economic pressure on Greece. It had
a surplus in its trade with Greece, and prospects of new loans
to Greece being floated in London were hardly realistic. Mark
Mazower has shown that British bond holders were virtually
powerless after Greece had defaulted, and that the percentage of
money they got back depended partly on domestic political factors
within Greece and partly on the amount of pressure the British
government was prepared to apply. (Mazower 619)
This stands in sharp contrast to the means of exerting
pressure, which Germany had at its disposal. Stopping the purchases of tobacco would have a very serious impact on the
Greek economy and social stability.
In spite of public and private companies placing an in46
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
creasing number of orders in Germany, credits on the clearing
accounts in Berlin still rose. The Greek government's decision,
in the second half of 1935, to grant some six billion Dr. (Papagos 143) for rearmament shifted the question of purchasing
German arms to the center of Greek politics, especially as
neither Britain (Koliopoulos 25-26) nor France (Pelt, Greece
and Germany's policy ... 64) seemed to offer realistic alternatives. But it proved to be a delicate issue, as it represented a
break with the military policy formed under successive Venizelist
governments, which had been based on a reliance on British and
French expertise and equipment. (The Venizelist/anti-Venizelist
cleavage goes back to the ethnikos dichasmos which originated
over the issue of whether or not Greece should join the Entente
in the First World War against Germany.)
Negotiations for Greek Purchases of German Arms
Efforts to base Greek rearmament on German production
and know-how seems to have been connected with the minister
of war, the radical anti-Venizelist Giorgos Kondilis, and can
be traced back to early 1934. In the beginning of January 1934,
Prodromos Bodosakis-Athanasiadis bought the Greek Powder and
Cartridge Company from the National Bank of Greece. According to Bodosakis, he only did so after having discussed the matter
with Kondilis. The minister of war told Bodosalcis that he was
interested in his taking over the company and privatizing the
Greek munitions industry in order to evade military control of
armaments productions. Kondilis' motives at this point are not
clear. But it is important to remember that the armed forces
were still under Venizelist dominance, and that Bodosakis was
one of Kondilis' old associates." In this way, Kondilis would
get a free hand to pursue the rearmament policy he wanted.
Shortly after taking over the Greek Powder and Cartridge Company, Bodosakis bought a license for the production of powder
for artillery munitions from the German producer of dynamite
and explosives, Köln-Rottweil Pulverfabriken,27 which was controlled by 1G Farben under a cartel agreement. (Hexner 352353)
Germany and the Establishment of the Metaxas Regime
47
Soon after Greece joined the Balkan Entente in February
1934, a Greek middleman, who claimed to have good connections
with the Greek minister of war (Kondilis) and to be acting
on behalf of the government, asked the German armaments
firm Rheinmetall-Borsig about the possibility of Germany delivering arms to Greece.22 Rheinmetall-Borsig turned to the Auswiirtiges
Amt in order to get its opinion. Secretary of state Bernhard W.
von Biilow took a very positive view of the Greek request, especially because Greece had been among Germany's former
enemies.29 It must be remembered that about a year before,
anti-Venizelists had ended more than a decade of Venizelist
dominance in parliament and that, for Germans, anti-Venizelists
symbolized Greek resistance to joining the First World War
against Germany. In this context, it is interesting to note that
Aussenpolitisches Amt der NSDAP CAPA] (the foreign department of the Nazi party) regarded the prevention of a return to power of Venizelos as being important for long-term
German interests in Greece. For that reason the APA recommended cautious German support for the royalists."
It has not been possible to detect opposition from the army
to the prospect of Greece buying German weapons, but it is
a fact that it was not until after theY purge of Venizelist officers
in the wake of the abortive putsch of March 1935 that substantial and official negotiations about the purchase of German
arms gained pace. This coincided in a spectacular manner with
the rising power of Kondilis. On July 10, he managed to
strengthen the political position of radical anti-Venizelism significantly by making the parliament pass a resolution providing for a referendum on the constitutional issue, to be held
before November 15. Parliament then decided to recess until
October 10. In this period Greek-German arms negotiations made
important progress.
On September 19, 1935, the German steel and armaments
manufacturer Rheinmetall-Borsig signed a so-called agreement
of friendship and cooperation with the Greek Powder and
Cartridge Company. By doing so the German firm displaced
the French Schneider-Creusot from its former monopoly position over Greek armaments production. Rheinmetall-Borsig was
to deliver semi-finished and finished steel products, machinery,
48
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
and expertise to the Greek plant, as well as to assist in the development of existing factories, and to install new and modern
facilities for producing ammunition of a German type."
Rheimnetall had been negotiating for some time to establish
this contact and could not have succeeded had it not been for
internal political developments in Greece in 1935 and 1936.32
Within the next four years, the Greek Powder and Cartridge
Company became the largest and most important industrial enterprise in Greece, with 10,000 employees in 1937 12,000
by 1939. (Hill 28ff) According to American estimates, it was
the biggest and most modern munitions plant in southeastern
Europe and the Near East. (Hill 28ff) It became Germany's most
important private customer in Greece, with purchases totalling
between 45-55 million RM in the period from September 1935 to
March 1939.34
On September 30, 1935, the Greek minister of finance informed the Germans that the Greek government was ready to
proceed to direct negotiations with the German government
about arms deliveries and to circumvent public tenders as specified by Greek law in the case of state orders." The same day,
a Greek naval mission arrived in Germany on a secret visit in
order to inspect the production facilities of the German armaments industry. The representative of Rheinmetall-Borsig in
Athens asked the Germans not even to inform the Greek embassy in Germany about the naval mission to Germany. Orders
were expected to be in the range of 75-100 million RM, but would
not be placed until a final decision had been taken by the
Greek government."
On October 10, General Kondilis carried out a coup d'etat,
proclaimed the end of the Republic and declared that a plebiscite
on the constitutional issue would be held on November 3. A
few days later the new government asked the Germans to
supply Greece with fifty modern airplanes as a matter of
urgency. (Barros 118) The British were also contacted, but this
turned out to be merely a ploy, as will be seen later. At the
same time, Greek foreign minister Ioannis Theotokis contacted the head of the German intelligence service, Abwehr,
Admiral Wilhelm Canaris. Theotokis promised Greek cooperation in intelligence matters and good prospects for GreekGermany and the Establishment of the Metaxas Regime 49
German trade and political relations if Germany would help
by supplying Greece with modern German military equipment."
On October 24, 1935, the German minister to Athens, Ernst
Eisenlohr, informed Theotokis that Germany was ready to do
so. The Greek foreign minister then asked the Germans to
start to deliver as soon as possible, as Greece would devote
all its economic power to rearmament.'
In the beginning of November, a technical expert was appointed to be sent to Greece in order to supervise the construction of a coastal defense system.' At the same time, Reich gruppe
Industrie appointed a consortium to implement arms deliveries
to Greece (Ausfahrgemeinschaft zur Darchlihrung von
Waffenlieferungen nach Griechenland), headed by Otto Wolff
and Dredsner Bank."
By mid-November the British and French learned that Greece
was about to place orders for military equipment in Germany.
The French reaction was to claim this to be an infringement
of the Treaty of Versailles. The British minister to Athens
believed that Kondilis and Theotokis were giving in to pressure
from tobacco interests: "As a result of the German stranglehold on the Greek economy reinforced by the corrupt influence
of tobacco interests on the gang at the Air Ministry and on
the entourage of General Kondilis, everything points to greater
parts of new aircrafts being ordered in Germany"41 and that
as far as the Greek requests for British planes in October were
concerned, Britain had merely been used as a pawn in the game."
The rigged plebiscite on November 3 paved the way for
the Restoration. A few days after his return to Greece on November 25, the king dismissed Kondilis and appointed a caretaker
government which was to stay in power until a political cabinet
could be formed after the election on January 26, 1936. This
led to an immediate standstill in Greek-German negotiations
about arms. It is difficult to imagine that this is the result
that Kondilis expected from the plebiscite. The king's dismissal
of Kondilis has been seen as a result of their disagreement
over the king's wish to placate the Venizelists and grant amnesty
to those involved in the March uprising. It has also been suggested that the king would not agree to act as Kondilis' puppet.
(Marder 58) Both explanations seem reasonable. It has •to be
50
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
stressed, however, that the king was as adamant as Kondilis
in his rejection of the reinstatement of the Venizelist officers,
and that apparently their disagreement did not estrange them
irreparably, as both soon afterwards found sufficient grounds
to plan joint action on this issue. In addition to this, the king,
like Kondilis was very keen on getting the Greek rearmament
program started, and the Germans regarded the king as the
key person in this respect. 13 The king wanted to end French
influence in the Greek army so he turned to both the Germans
and the British. Shortly before leaving England, he expressed
his desire to base Greek rearmament on Britain. But the only
assistance the British could possibly supply at that time was
moral support." This made Germany the only realistic option as
a supplier of arms. The king, who had been away from Greek
politics for about twelve years, soon after his arrival in Greece,
became acquainted with the complex of other problems which
was linked to this important and pending issue.
On December 11, the matter of rearmament was to be
discussed at a meeting in the so-called Highest Council on
National Defense, which was presided over by the king. The
German minister to Athens, Ernst Eisenlohr, had not yet met
the king but managed to obtain an audience a few hours before the meeting took place. During a two-hour session, Eisenlohr
made the German point of view clear to the king. His message
to George II was that Greece could not manage economically
without its tobacco exports to Germany and that interruptions
to German purchases could seriously disturb the social stability
of Greece. In order to avoid these risks it was, according to
Eisenlohr, naturgegeben (God-given) that Greece should buy
its armaments from Germany. Eisenlohr told the king
that Greece could not live without her German customers and that in particular a reduction or cessation
of our purchases of tobacco must lead to the impoverishment of the Macedonian peasants and to grave
disturbances in Greek domestic politics. Careful fostering of these [trade] relations was therefore as much
an economic as a political imperative. t ... It was
therefore natural that Greece should obtain her war
Germany and the Establishment of the Metaxas Regime 51
material requirements from Germany, where she was
able to pay for the major portion of her purchases by
her own exports of goods.°
Three weeks later, on January 6, Eisenlohr had another audience. According to the German minister, the king seemed
to have lost faith in his policy of reconciliating the Venizelists,
and George II told Eisenlohr that he hoped Venizelos would
soon die. The German minister was relieved to find that the
king's attitude toward Venizelos had changed so quickly."
On January 8, 1936, a prominent representative of the
German armaments industry met the Greek ministers of war
and finance, as well as members of the Greek general staff.
The German was told that they still wanted to buy arms in
Germany but did not dare to make a decision until after the
elections on January 26.°
Regarding the election, both the king and the caretaker
government of Constantine Demerdzis were preparing action
to prevent reinstatement of the Venizelist officers. Demerdzis
had decided to hold the election on a proportional basis in order
to avoid an overwhelming Venizelist majority. (Koliopoulos
39) According to Theodor Kordt, Counselor of Legation at the
German Legation in Athens, the king would turn to General
Kondilis if any attempt to reinstate the Venizelist officers was
made, and Kondilis had told Kordt that he was determined to
resist any such action, if necessary even by a revolution:
It is, however, certain that the King kept the General
[Kondills) in reserve in case that his ambitious policy
of reconciliating the Venizelists should fail. The King
frankly told the minister, Mr. Eisenlohr, that General
Kondilis was a very strong supporter in his struggle
to de-politize the Army. How firmly determined Kondilis was by all means to obstruct a reinstallation of
the Venizelist insurgents into the Army is shown by
a remark which he [Kondilis) made to me a short
while ago under four eyes: If some government should
prove ready to readmit the March-traitors in to the
52
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
only then one had to make another
Army [
revolution.'"
The election ended in a political deadlock, as neither of the
political blocs could form a majority government without the
support of the Greek Communist Party. Regarding the prospects
for German interests in the event of a Venizelist government,
Kordt thought that, generally speaking, Germany would stand
a good chance of forcing a Venizelist government to follow
a policy suiting German interests. Kordt stressed the fact that
the social stability and economic welfare of the political stronghold of Venizelisrn, Northern Greece, was heavily dependent
on Germany. Regarding the future for exports of German arms
to a Venizelist Greece, Kordt was concerned that the Francophile attitude of Venizelism might be an obstacle.
Now precisely these provinces which have a vital interest in our purchases of tobacco, i.e. Thrace and
Macedonia, on the 26th voted for the Venizelists in
the majority. The Venizelists have to summon all
their strength to please these provinces. It is not an
overstatement to say that if our purchases of tobacco
were cancelled it would soon come to a revolution.
Venizelism therefore has every reason to stay on
friendly terms with us. [ The arms delivery negotiations which made good progress during the time
of the Tsaldaris as well as during the KondilisTheotokis government have lately been conducted with
some reservations, due to prospects of a Liberal victory
in the elections. The attitude of the relevant ministries
is less accommodating [today) than it was two months
ago:"
But, as neither Venizelists nor anti-Venizelists managed to
form a cabinet, the deadlock turned into a prolonged political
crisis. According to the Germans, any conclusion of an armsdeal with• Germany was impossible under such political circumstances. The uncertainty of the political future of Greece
meant that no leading politician nor military person dared to
Germany and the Establishment of the Metaxas Regime 53
risk his career by taking a decision that could compromise him
in the future [i.e., if a Venizelist government was formed]. In
addition to this, Demerdzis did not show any interest comparable to that of Kondilis on the question of Greece obtaining
German arms."
But the Germans also met other obstacles. News that the
Greek government had been negotiating directly with representatives of the German armaments industry aroused heavy
criticism in the Greek press and, as will be seen below, contributed to making the government very careful in its negotiations with Germany. It was also said that Germany re-exported
Greek tobacco to the U.S. and obtained hard currency that way.
(Kacarkova 55) Regarding the clearing assets in Berlin, which
totalled over 30 million RM at the time, the rumor spread that
Germany would devaluate the Reich mark or go as far as
to simply refuse any responsibility for Greek credits.
On February 20, 1936, the so-called Council for National
Economic Defense" met to discuss the problem of the clearing
credits in Berlin. In a report from H. C. Finlayson, British adviser to the Bank of Greece, the council agreed to a proposal
from the representatives of the Demerdzis government that
neither the Bank of Greece nor the state should guarantee any
further increase of the assets in order to reduce the unbalanced
exports to Germany. Until then, the Bank of Greece had run
the economic risk of the clearing trade with Germany by paying
the Greek exporter straight away. It was decided to forward
60 percent of the price to merchants who had tobacco stocks
already awaiting dispatch to Germany but which were not yet
paid.'
The decision would deal a blow - to the tobacco industry
and caused an immediate reaction. The same day, all trade on
the tobacco market was suspended and the industry decided to
send a delegation to Athens to make the government change
its decision. The tobacco industry received backing from the
National Bank of Greece." These protests appear to have
brought results.
On February 29, the Council for National Economic Defense met again. In addition to its ordinary members, the
leaders of the political parties were also present—as well as
54
JOTJRNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
representatives from the chambers of commerce of Athens and
Piraeus. Contrary to the decision on February 20, it was now
agreed that the state should guarantee the assets in Berlin. This
emphasized the necessity of finding a way to balance the export
surplus to Germany.
If one remembers that extensive state intervention was
necessary in order to place orders worth about 10 million RM in
1935, far more radical measures would have to be expected in
order to liquidate assets worth over 30 million RM. The British
legation was most worried about the prospects.
If a non-party government [Demerdzis government]
has been prevented by the vested interests which the
system [clearing] has fostered from checking a process
which is generally recognized as an increasing national
danger, what prospect is there that a party government will do any better when those interests have
time to entrench themselves still more deeply? [ ]
The probability seems to me to be that the present
course of economic debauchery will continue indefinitely. The forces behind it are powerful; German
policy [ ] and the cupidity of sectional interests
against which no Greek politician can stand. If the bank
is powerless to resist these forces, I see no factors here
that can. [ ] The future of United Kingdom trade
with Greece is not bright if this diagnosis is correct."
The rising political power of Ioannis Metaxas coincided in a
spectacular manner with a substantial breakthrough in GreekGerman arms negotiations. Metaxas represented the incarnation of radical anti-Venizelism; he was an admirer of Germany
(especially of German arms) and fiercely anti-French. Metaxas
had little to risk that he would not have lost anyhow if the
Venizelists came to power, by investing his energy in ensuring
that Greece would rearm with German equipment. In May
1935, Metaxas had made contact with the Germans via a
middleman in order to let them know that he was interested
in economic and political support from Germany, to build a
Germany and the Establishment of the Metaxas Regime
55
strong army and loosen France's grip on Greece, should he
come to power."
On March 5 the king appointed him minister of war.
Kordt expressed satisfaction at seeing Metaxas in the government and concluded: "We have several important friends in
the cabinet who will not allow the Balkan-Entente to be trailed
after the Petit-Entente and that is after France.""
On March 19 the Greek general staff held an extraordinary session headed by Metaxas in order to discuss purchases
of German arms.57 On March 31, Metaxas met with Kordt and
told him that he intended to place as many orders for military
equipment in Germany as possible. To this end he would require
an emergency law so that he could bypass public tenders." In
the following four months, Metaxas held a number of confidential meetings with the Germans about the purchase of arms.
The Germans wanted the Greek government to conduct
negotiations with representatives of the German armament industry. But remembering the press campaign earlier in the year,
Metaxas was very reluctant to do so and refused until Kordt
promised that he would also be present at the meeting in order
to make it look official." On April 7, Metaxas met with Kordt
and representatives from the German armament industry. According to Kordt, Metaxas was still very sensitive to the severe
public criticism. Metaxas apologized about the bad press to the
Germans by blaming the parliamentary system for taking exaggerated liberties regarding free speech. (30
The following week, on April 13, Demerdzis died and
the king appointed Metaxas prime minister. According to Kordt,
the king had done so in order to have a strong man at hand
who was ready to act firmly in case parliamentary chaos should
threaten Greece. In Kordt's judgment, Metaxas offered even
better support for the king than Kondilis had. In addition to
this, Kordt had the pleasure of letting Auswartiges Amt know
that Metaxas had always had the best possible relations with
the German legation in Athens: "He [Metaxasj is a good, if
not, even a better replacement of the late General Kondilis
.. .3 as a real supporter for the King in case of danger." Kordt
also pointed to the fact that Metaxas preferred German when
communicating with the legation."
r
56
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
On May 6, about one week after the Greek parliament
had decided to recess for five months and give the Metaxas
government full legislative powers, it was decided to expand
imports of German goods."
At the same time, serious labor disputes were taking place
in northern Greece, culminating on May 9, when striking tobacco workers and police clashed. On May 12, the German foreign ministry asked the legation in Athens to inform the Greek
government that German industry wanted a quick end to the
strike.63 Under rising internal and external pressure to find
ways of establishing social peace, the government decided to
accept all the demands of the tobacco workers. But, by doing
so, the government's need to have a stable market for tobacco
exports became ever more urgent. According to the British
minister, Greece now had no other way of solving the clearing
problem with Germany than to increase imports as recent labor
unrest, particularly in the tobacco-growing districts, rendering
it practically impossible for the government to impose any solution which [... j would imperil tobacco exports."
The labor unrest seemed to have made Metaxas act in order
to make further progress toward an arms deal with Germany.
On May 14 Metaxas, the Greek minister of finance, the governor of the Bank of Greece, Emmanuil Tsouderos, and three
generals from the Greek general staff met with Kordt and
representatives of the German armaments industry. Although
Metaxas, according to Kordt, seemed exhausted because of the
recently ended strike, the Greek prime minister was quite prepared to discuss arms matters even down to details, lie was
eager to place the orders in Germany and became very impatient with some of the Greek officers who questioned the
price and quality of German weapons. With a "shut up, you
don't understand any of this" in front of everyone, Metaxas
managed to silence the opposition. Kordt reported:
The Prime Minister [Metaxas) who, alone for economic reasons (in order to reduce the Greek assets)
is ready to place the orders [on war equipment] in Germany, apparently wanted to reduce resistance from the
specialists in the Ministry of War ad absurdum [
Germany and the Establishment of the Metaxas Regime
57
The questions from the officers were sometimes so
poorly founded that Mr. Metaxas became most
un-merciful. Just to give an example: A colonel attempted to prove that the German prices had gone up
by referring to a German tender on pistols from 1930
[ The Prime Minister rejected the objection of
this uninformed man by the following remark in
Greek: 'Shut up, you don't understand any of this.'"
After the meeting, Metaxas told Kordt that this was also the
way to get rid of objections in the future. According to Kordt,
the meeting helped to advance arms negotiations."
Two weeks later, on May 28, an emergency law was passed
which gave the government full power to place orders for
armaments in Germany without calling for tenders."
This took place two weeks before the German minister of
economic affairs, Hjalmar Schacht, visited Athens from June
13-15. On June 14, Schacht met with Tsouderos and Varvaresos in order to discuss Greek-German trade problems. The
two Greeks emphasized that structural problems in the Greek
economy made it very difficult to increase imports from Germany. They pointed to huge imports of cereals and the
low standard of living in Greece. This gave little room to gear
Greek demand to the German supply. For that reason, the Greek
government wanted to liquidate the clearing credits by purchasing German arms. The only problem in this respect was
the widespread fear that German prices were too high, that the
arms would be obsolete, and that there were no interpreters
capable of translating the manuals from German into Greek.
Schacht then promised to solve these problems and suggested
that a Greek military commission be sent to Germany in order
to examine the German weapons and become familiar with
them."
The following day, June 15, Metaxas let Schacht know
that he was now ready to send orders to Germany as soon as
possible. To this end, he decided to send a Greek military commission to Germany."
Schacht's visit caused fresh criticism in the Greek press. The
presence of the German minister of economic affairs in Athens
58
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
was seen as one step in a German strategy of economic and
political conquest of the Balkans. According to a high-ranking
representative of the German armaments industry, Metaxas was
still very sensitive to public criticism. He was obsessed with
guarding himself against any possible public attack, fearing
that it might bring about his downfall, as he was expecting
strong political opposition when the arms deal was concluded."
A crucial point in the arms negotiations between Greece
and Germany was the question as to how much of the price
should be paid via clearing and how much in hard currency.
The Germans wanted 25 percent in hard currency whereas the
Greeks preferred the full price to be paid by clearing and would
not agree to a payment of 25 percent in bard currency.
On• July 11, Tsouderos paid a visit to the German legation. He asked the Germans to give in to Metaxas' demands
and warned them that Metaxas' political position was very
weak and his downfall was not at all impossible. This would
probably seriously delay any conclusion of an armaments deal,
and Tsouderos warned the Germans that the same situation that
had arisen after the dismissal of Kondilis' government could
easily arise again, as the armaments negotiations with Germany
met severe opposition from the Greek public and serious attempts to thwart them had been made."
Three days later, on July 14, Metaxas himself turned up
at the German legation. He told the Germans that he would
resign if Greek conditions regarding the payment in hard
currency were not met, as he already had his bands full struggling
with serious internal problems,"
• Metaxas, with only seven seats out of three hundred, was
undoubtedly in a weak parliamentary, position. But it is interesting to note that Metaxas tried to turn this to his own advantage in -his negotiations with the Germans by making his
own person a guarantee for a swift and safe conclusion to an
armaments deal. And he seems to have had some success in
this respect. By mid-July, Varvaresos arrived in Berlin in order
to press for a decision on the matter. On July 22, it was agreed
that 85 percent of the price of armaments should be paid via
clearing, 15 percent in 'hard currency. Total purchases were calculated to be in the range of 60 million RM."
Germany and the Establishment of the Metaxas Regime
59
On the same day, July 22, Sophoulis and Theotolcis informed the king that the Venizelists and anti-Venizelists were
ready to form a government when parliament met again in
October. The agreement was based upon the reinstatement of
the purged Venizelist officers. According to Waterlow, this
was "unnatural" and he felt that the politicians really wanted to
prevent Metaxas from putting through any business for which
he would get credit and an almost certain "rake off" from the
large and now imminent contracts with Germany for war equipment:74 Waterlow's observation seems to be valid in many important respects, though he had no detailed knowledge of the
arms deal and was probably not informed about the amount until
January 1937.75 Buying German arms worth 60 million would
finally get the Greek rearmament program started and would
please the army. At the same time, it would make it possible to
liquidate the clearing assets in 'Berlin, the existence of which
had been a political issue for some years. This could also make
prospects for tobacco exports to Germany look safe for some
time to come. Thus Metaxas actually seemed to have found an
answer to other pending issues in Greek politics. The following day, July 23, according to information given to the Greek
historian Dafnis by Ioannis Diakos, Metaxas told Diakos and
two other of his close associates that the king had given him
carte blanche to establish a dictatorship within the next fourteen
days. (Dafnis 432)
This suggests that the breakthrough in Greek-German arms
negotiations on July 22 and the announcement of the SophoulisTheotokis agreement on the same day played an important role
in the decision to establish the dictatorship. But I think that the
creation of the Fourth of August Regime can be better understood if it is regarded as a result of a long process that changed
the framework of Greek politics. The forces behind this were
the interaction between traditional conflicts in the Greek political
world among anti-Venizelists and Venizelists and the new issues
which were created by the impact of Germany's trade policy on
the Greek economy. The clearing trade made a substantial increase in imports from Germany necessary in order to balance
Greek exports to Germany. By 1934/5 it became clear that this
could not be achieved by simple market mechanisms alone,
60
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
and Greek-German trade turned into a political problem demanding state intervention. But channelling large orders from
state and private business to Germany was not sufficient. By
1935/6 the basing of the Greek rearmament• program on German military equipment seemed to be a solution that could
balance the Greek-German trade and thus bring about some prospect of stability in tobacco exports. But weapons are a commodity
with high political voltage. German military equipment was
warmly welcomed by radical anti-Venizelists like Kondilis—and
there is much to suggest that Greece would have embarked on
a rearmament program earlier had Kondilis not been dismissed.
The prospects of Venizelists returning to power caused most
military men and politicians to act cautiously, and brought the
arms negotiations to a standstill. The Germans missed no opportunities to let Greece know that they wanted it to buy
German weapons and that they viewed this as an important
precondition for German purchases of Greek tobacco. The reaction of the tobacco world in early 1936 to the government's
decision not to guarantee exports to Germany, and the fact
that the government gave in to such pressure, left only one viable
solution to the trade problem—that Greece buy German weapons.
This left little room for compromise and moderation and moved
the radical and uncompromising anti-Venizelist Metaxas to the
political center during the crisis in the first half of 1936. He
was ready to take responsibility for changing Greece's military
policy by basing a large part of the rearmament program on
German weapons, and he was an anti-parliamentarian. It is true
that the first steps in Metaxas' path to power were conditioned
by events beyond his control. But once in office, Metaxas soon
proved to possess a key to the complex of problems which were
created by or related to the clearing trade.
By accepting the Sophoulis-Theotokis agreement, the king
would have had to face the prospect of Metaxas resigning and
the Venizelists officers being reinstated. 'What reaction this
would have caused in the army, and how the Germans would
have responded had the arms negotiations once again failed, remains speculation. But the fact remains that in this situation
the king decided in favor of a dictatorship.
Germany and the Establishment of the Metaxas Regime 61
NOTES
'Citation is from the so-called "Liebmann-Protokol," which is a handwritten
note made by Lieutenant General Liebmann, Wendt 1987: pp. 186-87. 2Akten zur deutschen auswiirtigen Politik 1918-1945 (ADAP) C IV, No.
168: Berlin 24 June 1935.
3ADAP C IV, No 168 note 5.
4Statistiki epetiris tis Ellados 1931, g. 30.
5Milward: p. 409 Table 12.
8Statistiki Epetiris, 1935-1939, XI Dimosia ikonomia; The Balkan States,
The Royal Institute of International Affairs, London 1936: p. 65 Table 25.
Table 30 p. 78.
7The Balkan States: p. 65 Table 25.
8Istoriko archio tis Ethnikis Trapezas Ellados (LAETE): XXVIIII Proionda
A Kapnos fak 18.
9Bundesarchiv Koblenz: Besuch des Ministerprisidenten Goring in Athen.
R 43 1/76. See also: Alfred Kube, pp. 82-90.
19Public Record Office (PRO): Annual Report 1934. FO 371/19518.
"PRO: Annual Report 1935 FO 371/20392.
I2PRO: Athens 8 April 1935. 'Waterlow to John Simon. FO 286/1126/71.
I3Bundesarchiv Abteilung Potsdam (BA Abt. Potsdam): Protokoll iiber
Besprechungen zwischen der deutschen und der griechischen Delegationen vom
2. 6. April 1935 iiber den deutsch-griechischen Waren—und Zablungsverkehr.
0901 Auswartiges Amt, 68719, Handakten Clodius, Griechenland.
14IAETE: 30 September 1934 Filaretos to Alexandros Korizis
Proionda A Kapnos fak. 6.
I5IAETE: 20 May 1935 XXVIII Proionda Kapna fak. 18.
16IAETE: 20 May 1935 XXVIII Proionda Kapna fak. 18.
17IAETE: Athens 25 September 1935, Filaretos to Alexandros Korizis
XXVII Proionda A Kapnos fak. 6.
18IAETE: 29 July 1935 Filaretos to Alexandros Korizis XXVIII Proionda A
Kapnos fak. 6.
19Politisches Archiv des Auswartigen Amtes (PA): Berlin 13 November
1935. Clodius to Rizo-Ragavis (Greek ambassador to Germany). Abt. Ilb
Rohstoffe und Waren, Chinin. Bd. 1.
"PA: Berlin 12 December 1934 Siemens-Schuchert to AA Abteilung
Wirtschaft, Griechenland, Handel 30 Lieferungen Bd. 3 Balkan II, 3054.
21PA: Vertraulicher Sonderbericht, Nr. 19, 18 February 1935, Abteilung II,
Wirtschaft Griechenland, Handel 30, Lieferungen, Bd. 3.
22IAETE: London 15 April Hambros Bank Ltd. 1935 to George Drosopoulos.
XXV Erga B Sidirodromi fak. 30.
23PA: Athens December 14 Eisenlohr to AA, 1935 Handakten Wiehl,
Griechenland Bd. 2.
24IAETE: 16 January 1936 Filaretos to George Madzavinos, confidential,
XXVIII Proionda A Kapnos fak. 6.
25PR0: Annual Report 1936. FO 371/21147.
26Bodosakis had close connections with Kondilis, dating back to 1920, when
Kondilis, as a self-determined exile, stayed in the Pera Palas hotel in Constantinople, which was then owned by Bodosakis. (Alexandria 69-70) According
to contemporary testimony Bodosakis backed Kondilis' putsch against Pangalos
-
xxvnx
62
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
in 1926. (Veremis 300) IIe also planned a coup against Tsaidaris in 1934 which
was to bring Konclilis to power. (Verenais 196-98)
27Ikonomikos Tachidromos nr. 992, 26. April 1973, p. 67.
28ADAP C, II, 2: Berlin 28 February. Purchases were expected to be in
the range of 75 mill. RM to 100 mill. RM and to materialize sometime in the
first half of 1935. ADAP C, III, I: Berlin 26 July 1934, Aufzeichnung des
Vortragenden Legtionsrats Frohwein.
29ADAP C, II, 2, 289: Berlin 28 February 1934. Aufzeidmung des
Vortragenden Legationsrat Frohwein. Note 3.
3024 October 1934, Abteilung Siid-0t in aussenpolitischen Amtes der
NSDAP (APA). Weltherrschaft im Visier. Dokumente zu den Europa—und
Weltherrschaftsplanen des deutschen Imperialismus von der Jahrhundertswende
bis Mai 1945. (Berlin 1975) Eds. Wolfgang Schumann and Ludwig Nestler,
p. 238.
31PA: 8 April 1937, Rheinmetall-Borsig to überwachungsstelle far Eisen
und Stahl, W III SE 3414 Ha. Pol. IVa Handel 11-1 Bd. 2. Allgemeinen Einund Aus und durchfiir, Bd. 2.
32PA: 8 April 1937, Rheinmetall-Borsig to überwachungsstelle ffir Eisen
uncl Stahl, W III SE 3414 Ha. Pol. IVa Handel 11-1 Bd. 2. Allgemeinen Einwad Aus und durchfiir, Bd. 2.
33Imperial War Museum: Rheinmetall-Borsig, Berlin 13 October 1937,
Betr. Reise Athen/Sofia, Akennotiz. Speer-Collection, FD 790/46.
34Between September 1935 and March 1937 the Greek Powder and Cartridge Company purchased German machinery and steel products for 11 mill. RM
and placed orders for some 20 mill. RM more (PA: 8. April 1937. RheinmetallBorsig to überwachung,sstelle filr Eisen und Stahl ...). In the period from
March 1937 to March 1939 purchases in Germany ran from somewhere between
35 mill. and 45 mill. RM. (PA: Athens 31 March 1939, W III 2652/39, Ha.
Pol. IVa Handel 24 Nr. 6, Auskiinfte fiber Ruf und Leistungsfahigkeiten von
Pitmen in Ausland, Griechenland.)
33ADAP C, IV, 312: Athens 30 September 1935.
38ADAP C, IV, 369: Berlin 21 October 1935, Vortragender Legationsrat
Frohwein an die Gesandschaft in Athen.
37PA: Athens 18 October 1935, Theotokis til Canaris "Mein Lieber
Canaris," Geheimakten H FK 118, Aus- und Einfuhr von Kriegsgerat nach den
Balkanlander.
38"Gesamte Finanzkraft Landes [Greece) werde in den Dienst Riistungsgedankens gestellt." PA: Athens 24 October 1935, Eisenlohr to AA. M 2417,
Geheimakten II FK 118, Aus- und Einfuhr von Kriegsgerat nach den Balkanlander.
39PA: Berlin 1 November 1935, Oberbefehlshader der Kriegsmarine, Geheimaiden II FK 118, Aus- und Einfuhr von Kriegsgerat nach den Balkanlander.
See also ADAP C, IV, 2: 459 note 5.
40PA: Berlin 11 November 1935, Reichsgruppe Industrie to AA, II M 2607,
Geheimakten II FK 118.
41PR0: Athens 18 November 1935, Waterlow to FO. FO 286/1125/23.
42PRO: Athens 18 November 1935, Waterlow to FO. FO 286/1125/23.
4-EPA: Report from Rambow from "Ausfuhrgemeinschaft zur Durchfiihrung
von Waffenlieferungen nach Griechenland." Bericht fiber die Sachlage und meine
Titigkeit in Athen nach der Abreise der Herrn Eltze von 18. Dezember 1935
Germany and the Establishment of the Metaxas Regime
63
bis. 10 January, 1936, Streng Geheim, Geheimakten, IT FK 33, Kriegsgerat
Allgetneines .Geheimsachen.
44Koliopoulos, 25-6.
45ADAP, C, IV, 2: 459, Athens 12 December 1935, Gesandt Eisenlohr
to Auswartiges Amt.
48PA: Athens 6 January 1936, Eisenlohr to AA, Geheimakten Griechenland
Po1.2.
47PA: Bericht tiber die Sachlage und meine Tatigkeit in Athen nach der
Abreise der Herrn Eltze von 18. Dezember 1935 bis 10. Januar 1936, Streng
Geheim, Geheimakten, II FK 33, Kriegsgerat Allgemeines Geheimsathen.
48PA: Athens 1 February 1936, Kordt to AA, Zum Tote des General
Kondilis, Abschrift von II Balk 282 Gr. Ab. Jib Griechenland Pol. 11-4, Militar.
48PA: Athens 28 January 1936, Kordt to AA, Ab. II, Pol. 7 Gr.
58ADAP, C, IV,II, 539: Athens 4 February 1936. Kordt to AA.
5IMembers were the Prime Minister, the Ministers of Finance of National
Ecnnomy and of Foreign Affairs, as well as the governor of the Bank of Greece
and the Director-General of the Service of Public Accounting.
52PR0: Memorandum by Fialayson, "German Clearing Credit Balances"
FO 286-1136 R-71-12-36.
58IAETE: 20 February 1936 The National Bank in Thessaloniki to the
Board. XXVIII proionda A Kapnos fak. 20.
54PR0: Athens 5 March 1936 Waterlow to Eden. FO 286/1136/71.
55PA: Geneva 4 May Pol, Abteil. II, Pol 2. II, Balkan, 1089. The Germans
did not doubt that the middleman was acting on behalf of lvIetaxas. But as
contacts were made shortly before the general election in June 1935 and
Metaxas did very poorly, Eisenlohr did not see any reason to pursue the case
any further. PA: Athens 19 June 1935, Pol. Abteil. II, Pol. 2, II Balkan 1462
Gr, II, Balkan, 1089 Gr.
58PA: Athens 18 March 1936, Kordt to AA, Politischer Bericht, Abt. II,
Pol. 7, Griechenland, Ministerien Bd. 2.
57PA: March 19 1936 AA II M 293, Kriegsgraet Balkan Bd. 2.
58PA: Athens 31 March 1936, Kordt to AA, Geheimakten II FK 118 Bd. 2.
58PA: Athens 2 April 1936, Korclt to AA, Geheimakten II FK 118 Bd. 2,
Aus- unde Einfuhr von Kriegsgerat nach dem Balkan, Kriegsgerit Balkan.
843PA: Athens 8 April 1936, Kordt to AA II M 1161g, Geheimakten Abt.
II FK 118 Ed. 2, Aus- unde Einfuhr von Kriegsgerat nach dem Balkan,
Kriegsgerat Balkan Bd. 2.
8IPA: Athens 15 April 1936 Kordt to AA, Abt. II Griechenland Politik 7,
Ministerien Bd. 2.
82PA: Ha. Pol. Na wirtschaftliche Beziehungen zu Deutschland (Griechenland), Wirtschaft 6 Bd.l.
The German Foreign Office was acting on behalf of the German tobacco
company Brinkmann, which had about 2 mill. kilos of tobacco stored in Northern
Greece. PA: Berlin 12 May 1935 to Gesandskab Athen, II Balk. 995gr.,
Handakten Wiehl Bd. 2.
84PR0: Athens 28 May 1936. Walker to Eden. FO 371/20391.
85PA: Athens 14 May 1936 Kordt to AA, Geheim, Verhandlungen fiber
deutschen Kriegsmaterial Lieferung, Ha. Pol. Geheimakten, Handel mit ICriegsgerat Balkan Bd. 1.
88PA: Athens 14 May 1936 Kordt to AA, Geheim, Verhandlungen fiber
,
,
64
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
deutschen Kriegsmaterial Lieferung, Ha. Pol. Geheimakten, Handel mit
Kriegsgerit Balkan Bd. 1.
°TPA: Athens 16 July 1936, Anlage 2 Geheim, Ha. Pol. IVa wirtschaftliche
Beziehungen zu Deutschland (Griechenland) Wirtschaft 6 Bd. 1.
68PA: Athens 14 June 1936, Anlage 2, WIII SE 1093, Ha. Pol. IVa
Wirtschaft 6 Bd. 1.
69PA: Athens 15 June 1936, telegramme from Pistor to AA, Pol. 1 464g,
Geheimakten. Handel mit Kriegsgerat Balkan Bd. 1.
"PA: Athens 20 June 1936, von Lupin til AKG, streng vertraulich,
Geheitnakten, Handel mit ICriegsgerat Balkan Bd. 1.
71PA: Athens 11 July 1936, Pistor til AA, Pol. I 804g, Ha. Pol, Geheim
Handel mit KG. KG Balkan.
72PA: Athens 14 July 1936, Pistor til AA, Pol. I 828g, Ha. Pol. Geheim,
Handel mit KG. KG Balkan.
73ADAP C, V, II, 383 note 8. The arms deal did not become official until
December 8, 1936 when an agreement was signed between the Greek government and Deutsche Golddiskonto Bank, the so-called Schacht-Tsouderos agreement. According to this Greece could place orders on arms for 60 mill, before
July 1, 1937. Of these, 30 million RM were to be covered by the assets on
the clearing account. This left some other 30 million RAI to be met by commercial credits from German armaments industry. (PA: Ha. Pol. IV Handel 1-10
Griechenland. See also Kacarkova 57.) In fact it was agreed to prolong the
agreement until December 31, 1937. According to statistics from the Bank of
Greece, Greece received arms from Germany in the period 1936-40 paid by
clearing totalling about 40 mill. RAC (Dritsas 195.) According to statistics
from the AGK Germany sold arms to Greece worth 58.6 mill. RM. (PA:
Deutschlands 1Criegsgerate-Ausfuhr nach dem sildosteuropaischen Landern seit
1936. Geheim. Ha. Pol. Geheim, Handel mit Kriegsgrat Allgemeines, Bd. 3
vom 1. Januar 1938 bis 31 Dezember 1938 and Abschliisse der Reichs- und
Protektoratfirmen in den Jahren, 1938, 1939 und 1/1940 nach Landern und
Landergruppen geordnet. Ha. Pol. Geheim, Handel mit Kriegsgerat Allgemeines, Bd. 5.) According to documents from AGK and Auswartiges Amt. Greece
placed orders worth 72 mill. RM in Germany. (PA: Berlin December 1937, zu
W III SE 9655 Vermerk, Ha. Pol. IVa Handel 11-1 Bd. 2 and AGK,
Jahresbericht 1937, Ha. Pol. Geheim, Handel mit Kriegsgerat, Allgemein Bd. 3.)
In order to reach an estimate of the importance of Germany for the Greek armed
forces it has to be taken into account that Bodosakis' munitions industry
bought for between 45-55 mill. RM in Germany. The chief of the Greek General
Staff, Alexandros Papagos, asked in March 1939 the German government via
Rheinmetall-Borsig to give Greece an anus credit of 40 to 50 mill. RM. (PA:
Athens 30 March 1939, Erbach til AA, Geheim, Ha. Pol. Geheim, Kriegsgerkt
Griechenland Bd. 1. ADAP D, V, 323: Athens 4 May 1939. Der Gesandte in
Athen an das Auswartige Amt and ADAP D, V, 323 note 2.)
74Koliopoulos, p. 44.
"Waterlow was informed by H. C. Finlayson, British advisor to the Bank
of Greece, in January 1937. According to a memorandum by Finlayson the rearmament budget ran to 6.1 billion drachmas or about 150 million RM. 2.9
billion drachmas were to be covered by the ordinary budget over the following
four years, while some 896 million drachmas would be forwarded as a loan from
the Bank of Greece. The other 2.4 Dr. or about 60 mill. RM were to be covered
Germany and the Establishment of the Metaxas Regime 65
as explained above. (PRO: Finlayson, "The Greek Rearmament Programme and
the German Clearing Balances" Athens 28 January 1937, FO 286/1142/71.)
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Germany and the Establishment of the Metaxas Regime
67
The Other Aegean
by THOMAS DOULIS
Finally, after months of looking across the narrow strip of
water, I could wait no longer. I had to cross and see the country
and the people who were the "scourge" of the Greeks. Twelve
years before, I'd made arrangements to cross over but came down
with an illness that baffled and upset me at the time but that
hindsight, possibly flawed, led me to wonder if it might not
have been psychosomatic to a large extent. Photos of terrorstricken Smyrna refugees disembarking from ships onto the quay
in Chios harbor were etched into my memory, and I can still hear
my mother's terse narrative of her journey on th last ship, a
Japanese freighter, to leave the burning and sacked city, alma.
Ismir. Perhaps the challenge of being there, among the Turks,
would undermine my most deeply held beliefs, certitudes instilled in me from childhood? After all, someone had to be responsible for dragging down to the level of the rural and folk
art I had been educated to consider uniquely Greek the splendid
urban civilization, where "Grecian goldsmiths" (to conflate two
Yeats poems about Byzantium) made forms "of hammered gold
and gold enamelling" more miraculous "than bird or handiwork / planted on the star-lit golden bough."
This sense of trepidation was described by George Seferis
before he made his own trip to Smyrna, the city of his birth. "I
have become the committed participant in a magic rite which
I do not understand," he wrote. "I know that this will cause
me an emotional crisis and that I cannot foresee the consequences. I have launched myself into this experience without reTHOMAS DOULIS is professor of English at Portland State University
and author of Disaster and Fiction, 1977.
69
flection (and) have done this as a kind of challenge to the dead
... a shameless action."
The decision made, I left the Greek islands, teeming with
fishing boats and tankers, and entered Turkish waters, where
the sea, except for yachts owned by Europeans, seemed to be
empty, an embarrassment and inconvenience for a people who
were turned inward and preferred to farm and graze their
animals than to fish or to sail. On the ferry between Kos and
Bodrum I met an Irish-American naval architect, a resident of
Athens, who earned a good living designing yachts for foreigners
at the largest drydock in Bodrum, owned by a Mr. Kritikos, a
Muslim from Crete who'd been exchanged in 1923.
At first glance, l3odrum, a relatively, new city on the site
of the ancient Hallicamasus, looks like a typical Greek town of
the Aegean, except for the Turkish signs and the dress of the
women. Its ancient heritage is indisputable, however, and approaching the city the alert traveler will notice the unmistakable
outline of an ancient Greek theater, its hundreds of seats facing
the sea.
During the Ottoman years (T ourkokratiet), Bodrum was the
site of jails for those caught with contraband shipments, and the
name has entered the demotic Greek lexicon for "prison." But
except for the fortress of the Knights of Saint John, which
dominates the port and houses the Museum of Underwater Archeology, and the Museum of Mausolus, there is not much to
see in town. Along the hills of the peninsula, too, there are
"villages" comprised of uniform houses in various stages of completion and a like number already occupied whose bulbous
roofs in rank and file indicate the investment of a foreign conglomerate, propably northern European, built for Turkish and
foreign tourists.
Like all tourist-based economies, Bodrum's is vulnerable to
changes in the political and financial climate which, with the
slightest military or political threat, could leave most of these
units empty. The many soldiers, standing with submachine guns
at the ready before most official buildings, are evidence that
there are, within the population, elements suppressed by the
state that could emerge overnight to make it dangerous for
tourists who use Turkey as their vacation spot. The large number
70
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
of foreign real estate conglomerates, package tours, and yachting interests depends upon a positive investment climate. So far,
except for Kurds, Islamic militants, and extremists of right and
left gangs (with the exception of the occasional assassination,
all apparently well contained), a "positive investment climate"
seems to be maintained, though Amnesty International and Helsinki Watch have lodged complaints about the government's
methods.
Banners representing Greek flags, among others of the
European Union, flutter above the sidewalk tables and are displayed in the windows of cafes and restaurants where tourists
are expected. Turkish flags cannot be found in similar Greek
locations, though reminders of the Muslim presence can be seen
in the mosques and minarets in the Greek island towns of Mytilene, Chios, and Rhodes; of Crete's Herakleion, Rethymnon, and
Chania; and in Thessaloniki. But from Bodrum to Aivalik, one
will not find a recognizable Orthodox church, even in ruins.
The drive from Bodrum to Smyrna and the Tzezme peninsula
is impressive: densely wooded hills, a pristine sea and beaches,
and miles and miles of deserted landscape, well farmed, it seems,
but decidedly underpopulated. The villages one sees are either
old and seedy or new and regimented, with few minarets and
hardly ever more that one to a village.
These were, it is clear, Greek lands, and they look Greek;
even the empty structures reveal the hand of Greek craftsmen
and builders. Entering Smyrna, one sees the shell of a Byzantine
church standing forlorn on a hill, while in the distance sprawling
housing developments fill the hills that ring the vibrant and
exciting city of Izmir.
Smyrna is beautifully situated, drenched by clean sea breezes
from its spectacular quay. The people look no different from
Greeks, or Italians, for that matter (una faccia, una razza: one
face, one race, as the Italianate Ionian Greeks say)—but they
are calm, polite, and relaxed (docile would be a pejorative equivalent). Only a few look Asiatic.
Turkey is a police state, though Turkish apologists and
lobbyists would dispute this (the overpowering uniformed presence at the funeral of Turgut Ozal is proof of army domination); at any rate, military men and police officers all seem to
The Other Aegean
71
carry submachine guns, and it is a state, nevertheless, powerful
and rational, and a visitor coming from Greece, where nothing
seems to work properly, is surprised to see people waiting patiently in disciplined lines for minibuses on the quay at Konak.
The wind is cold there, and the dolmas quickly fill up, but the
people take on faith that another will soon arrive and, in truth,
the next is not far behind.
The stylish young people of Smyrna could just as easily live
in London, Paris, or Rome, but the men, remarkably, don't look
at attractive women as they stroll by, this in a culture where the
newpapers—usually lurid tabloids—are fulled with photos of
nude women whose nipples are covered by black rectangles and
crotches by black triangles. The cheesecake photos in the daily
tabloids suggest an obsession with sex that is, apparently, socially
accepted. One can complain about the excesses of the Greek
press and the dependence of most newspapers on subsidies provided by political parties, but how can people—as well intentioned as as many Turks probably are—see through the craftiness
of diplomacy when condemned to get news out of the equivalent
of The National Enquirer?
In fact, the use of "infidel" to identify Izmir may mean
more than it meant when the cosmopolitan city was indifferent
to Islam. Judging by the facial types one sees and (with the
knowledge that, besides the Chiotes slaughtered during the massacre of 1822, thousands were taken as slaves to Smyrna), the
city's genetic pool might be significantly Greek. Perhaps in 1923
only those who formally identified with Greek Orthodoxy were
repatriated," while others, perhaps just as genetically Greek as
the Christians, elected to stay in the new world that Kemal Attaturk was promising rather than take their chances in a Greece
they'd never seen, or wanted to see, had never identified with,
and was a culture and state run by "inferiors," rayahs. Perhaps
Smyrna was "infidel" not only to Islam, but to Christianity as
well.
Speros Vryonis's magisterial work, The Decline of Medieval
Hellenism in Asia Minor (University of California Press, 1971),
documents in breathtaking detail and depth and gradual "process of Islamization" even before the fall of Constantinople,
and many of the examples of linguistic Turkification and cul72
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
tural assimilation Vryonis cites occurred in Anatolia's interior.
What more could be said about the communities along the
Aegean, where the migration of the preponderantly Greekspeaking Christian population in the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries had made the provinces along the littoral heavily Hellenic?
Friday in Smyrna, as in most cities and towns along the
Aegean, seems to be just another workday; few people attend
the mosques on this Muslim holy day, evidence perhaps of the
deep secularism of the nation after Kemal Ataturk. The muezzin
continues to call the faithful to prayer five times a day, but
except for the first call, around 5:30 a.m.,•nothing seems to
quiet down or to stop. Stores remain open, conversations continue, the radio blares, the children go to school, and traffic is
hectic.
On Sundays, however, everyone enjoys his or her weekend.
The couples and families at the restaurants on the quay are indicative of this. The rest of the city is shut down. Everyone
takes a stroll along the quay or a car trip into the countryside,
then has Sunday dinner and sips wine, beer, or raki.
The grape, one must remember, was cultivated in Anatolia
when Xenophon and the Ten Thousand marched there in the
fifth century BC, not only in the Greek colonies like Trebizond
and Sipone, but among the Armenians, the Mossynoeci, and the
Bithynian Thracians, for wherever they went the Greeks were
offered "old" or "strong" wine (i.e., unmixed and unpleasant
and rough to their tastes, as opposed to krasi, "sweet" wine that
had been watered to a krama).
Kadifekale, an impressive fortress whose cavernous storehouses, _cisterns, and rooms are still evident and in fine condition, provides a panoramic view of the city from the top of
Mount Pagos. Build by Lysimachus in the third century BC, it
was the site of Saint Polycarp's martyrdom by the Romans. Of
its Christian past there is nary a word in the history books.
At a precipitous decline one walks through a rather, seedy
industrial area, passing through soks which are numbered and
whose houses have probably not been greatly altered since the
Disaster. The hill was traditionally occupied exclusively by
Turks, who always chose the more defensible areas of a city.
The Other Aegean
73
Kulturpark is the site of an international fair that takes
place every summer. It is also the vast residential area that
burned down during the great fire of Smyrna in 1922. Its wide
boulevards reminded Seferis of the "despair in the gaping
avenues of de Chirico." The fire was deliberately set, as many
historical sources confirm, on Kemal Ataturk's orders. But
Fodor's guide, Turkey, attributes the fire to the mysteries of
chance. "The joy of the (Turkish) crowds" at the entry of
Kemal "was short-lived; the outbreak of a fire caught everybody,
civilians and soldiers, friend and foe alike, in the blaze." Then
history and logic are stood on their heads. "The wind, benign
Aeolus of the ancient Greeks, made a last stand for its routed
countrymen by blowing on the flames. The wooden houses burned
like matches, while hidden stores of munitions exploded. It
was, in Mustafa Kemal's own words, the end of an era.'"
Kosmas •Politis, an assistant director at the Credit Foncier
bank at the time, years before he began to write novels, had
managed to send his wife and daughter to Constantinople before
the front broke. He had first-class accommodations on a French
steamer when he saw Turkish patrols in the streets. Would his
servant, a Cretan Turk, bring his luggage in time? He had given
him the exorbitant sum of 200 liras (pounds). He took nothing
else with him The Turkish army had been in the city for three
days when the ship weighed anchor. He saw smoke on the horizon but had no idea what it meant, that the Asia Minor adventure would end in catastrophe. It would become, 40 years after
the Disaster, the subject of At Hadzifrangos's, Politis's greatest
novel. My own grandfather, a proper bourgeois who spent decades in frugal and disciplined living, carefully locked and
shuttered his house in what would become a de Chirico boulevard, stared at his large housekey for a moment, and threw it
into the gutter as the fire approached.
There are no photos of his house, and I don't trust the
family assertions. It was certainly not at all like the grand
mansion, certainly built for a Greek and used by Kemal when
he was in Smyrna, on the quay that houses the Ataturk Museum.
Unlike the Venizelos Museum, i.e., the Historical Museum at
Chania of Crete, there are no personal effects of Ataturk, no
books or writings or photos of the campaigns. It is furnished
74
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
tastefully, full of Greek motifs from the plays of Shakespeare.
From the windows on the second floor, one can see the panorama
of the quay.
Not one Orthodox church remains in Izmir. There are
churches of other faiths—Saint John's Cathedral, St. Polycarp's,
St. Rosaire's, and the English church—all still functioning. But
the Orthodox presence is relegated to the safely national, to the
subconsul's residence and NATO headquarters. St. Photine, the
Orthodox cathedral, was "nothing but ruins, endless variations
of ruins" when Seferis saw it in 1950. In fact, the Orthodox
faith is not listed in the telephone directory, and few Smyrnian
Turks know that their city had been a center of Hellenism as
few as 70 years before.
For Greeks, the Turks had been (some believe they still
are) the enemy, but the era of Tourkokratia is clearly defined
as the time when the Hellenes were subjugated. From the existence of Turkish cemeteries and mosques in the old parts of
towns along the islands near Anatolia, which remind Greeks
of the Ottoman past, one finds in the local museums a careful
arrangement and display of the land's previous inhabitants and
rulers: Arabic texts, Turkish costumes, firmans of sultans to the
nearby monasteries. In Turkish museums, the curators make a
clear effort to remove "Greek" as an adjective, and the search
for alternate names—Hittite, Lydian, Roman, Byzantine, Ionian—
reveals a fear of the overpowering weight of the Hellenic past.
Foreign archeologists, afraid of losing their privileges, conspire
in this historical deception.
This, besides poverty and disorganization, familiar enough
realities in Greece, might also explain the Turkish indifference
to archeology, since the study of evidence of the nation's historical past, but especially of Asia Minor and the Aegean, would tend
to promote the awareness of the Greek past of these lands. Why
else the reluctance to promote Ephesus, Hailicarnasus, Pergamon,
and Troy in all but travel advertisements? Why the dearth of
archeological museums in Izmir?
***
A tour of "the lost homelands" would not be2 complete
without a trip to Ephesus, not only for the relatively well-preThe Other Aegean
75
served ruins but, for an Orthodox Christian, as the site of many
events, 'legendary as well as historical. Before the arrival of the
Turks, Ephesus had been a destination for pilgrims longer than
any other in Christendom, and it was the site of the Third
Ecumenical Council (421 A.D.). On the grand scale, there is
still much to be uncovered in Ephesus, though workers labor
year-round and archeologists arrive very summer to supervise.
Much of the excavating is done by The American Society of
Ephesus, funded by the George B. Quatman Foundation of Lima,
Ohio.
The citadel of Ayasulak is a large fortress-church dedicated
to Saint John the Theologian, and impressive, as citadels always
are. From its heights, one can see where the sea had reached,
now all grass and brush for at least two kilometers. At the end
of Harbor Road, one turns to see the large Grand Theater,
capable of holding 24,000 people. I believe it. Almost all of the
epigraphy is in Greek, even those statements that refer to the
Roman emperors.
The museum is full of splendid objects; notable among
these are three examples of Artemis of Ephesus, her apron full
of eggs, which I find a more plausible explanation than the
ranks of breasts usually attributed to her. Here again the
Christian years of Ephesus, i.e., the Byzantine Greek part of
this land's history, are given short shrift, and Latin inscriptions
are by and large preferred to Greek, though the tenure of Latin
Rome was shadowy here and not as extensive.
But it is in the "house of the Virgin Mary"--Meryem and,
as the "house" is referred to in Turkish—in effect an early
Byzantine church, that the alienation of the other Aegean"
from its Greekness becomes eloquent. It seems to be the first
structure built in honor of the Theotokos. Outside, leading up
to it, are signs in many languages, including Turkish and a
frosty, ornate, ecclesiastical Greek, probably written by some
patriarchal scribe. Inside, the church—very early, but how early
is not clear—is full of Roman Catholic effects: kneeling stands,
what may be a confessional but is more probably a storage chest
with double doors, and a statue of the Virgin Mary, a pretty
and demure Frangopanaghia in maidenly robes.
76
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
Christa Sobel, the writer of the book on Ephesus available
at all the tourist stands, says the following:
According to Council records, Mary, for a short
time, lived in a house near the Council church and then
she moved to her house on Bulbul Mountain where she
lived for 46 years. She died in Ephesus when she was
64 years old. The house was slowly forgotten because
Christianity was not so much widespread at those times.
As though the very solid evidence of the Byzantine church
is not relevant, her very next paragraph goes on to tell of Anna
Katerina Emmerich (1774-1824), who never left her Westphalian town yet wrote a book that described the house that
"has the shape of a crucifix and resembles a small church." She
goes on to discuss French priests and the headmaster of the
French school in Smyrna in the nineteenth century and their efforts to establish the authenticity of the "house," which culminated
in the visits of Pope Paul VI in 1967 and Pope John II in 1979.
Two millennia of Byzantine Greek culture have been deftly suppressed, and the tourist, not alert to the expunging of historical
consciousness, will leap-frog from the dormition of the Theotokos, celebrated throughout Christendom on August 15, to the
Frangopanaghia in this house—and not be aware of the Orthodox
presence. Those uninformed about church history will also miss
the irony that it was at the Third Ecumenical Council that the
heresy of Nestorius—that the Virgin Mary was merely the
mother of Christ—was condemned, and doctrine decided that
she be called Theotokos, "the mother of God."
Not on the tourist route, the "cavern of the seven sleepers"
demands that the visitor walk a hundred meters from a farm
house, accompanied by the sound of a barking dog, to a hidden
area and a battered Byzantine church with some murals, with
colored tiles still visible, and with a gaping floor. There is
nothing religious in evidence, and it is clear that, at the time it
flourished, the church itself was a favorite burial spot, since a
number of sarcophagi are scattered about.
According to the legend, the seven young men celebrated
by this church left Ephesus one day in the third century A.D. and
The Other Aegean
77
hid in the cave to avoid sacrificing to the emperor cult. Hungry
after their slumber, they went into town the next day to learn
they'd slept not one night in the cave but 209 years, and that
Christianity had been proclaimed the religion of Rome in the
interval.
***
Aivalik, across from Lesvos, is the town of Fotis Kontoglou, Ilias Venezis, and Stratis Doukas, but the Greek presence,
as in Izmir, is nonexistent, except for two restaurants, quite the
best in town, one of which betrays in its decor the unmistakable
Ionic moldings of its Greek construction. The other, next to it,
large and spacious, is the property of a Muslim from Crete "repatriated" during the population exchange: this restaurant boasts
Helleniki Kotaina on its marquee and identifies the owner as
being apo to Rethymno.
What caused this town to produce men like Kontoglou, who
revolutionized Orthodox iconography by taking it back to its
Byzantine roots and by providing in a masterful two-volume
work, Ekfrasis, the intellectual and aesthetic foundation for its
practice? Doukas is less well known, though his marvelous and
therapeutic Story of a Prisoner, a short, spare narrative of the
Asia Minor Disaster, is well worth reading. Over the years,
edition by edition, he gradually perfected this narrative, originally told by a Turkophone Christian, in a fine, supple, Greek
demotic. This prose style—terse, laconic, restrained—has much
in common with Venezis's first work, The Number, a Hemingwayesque "attic" style needed after the Faulknerian excesses of
word-crazed demoticists, whose trills were sounded by The
King's Flute of Kostis Palamas.
Of this circle, most of whom paused briefly in Lesvos before
settling in the refugee sections of Athens and Piraeus, nothing
is visible in the town that gave them birth; nor is the majestic
struggle of Vasilis o Arvanitis, the eponymous hero of the
splendid novella by Stratis Myrivilis, comprehensible in this
sleepy Moslem town that, like most Turkish towns, seems to
have turned its back on the sea.
A bishop, whose seat is in the Dodecanese and who is descended from Aivalik, has an interesting story to tell of his aged
mother's return to see the ancestral house she left in panic al78
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
most seven decades before. Knocking on the front door, she
identified herself to the current residents and requested permission to walk through the rooms where she was born and grew
up. They stared at her, as though not comprehending. After considerable discussion, they appeared briefly to reject her request.
"This is your house," the woman of the house said finally. "We
have been your guests all these years. You must stay as long as
you wish." And she visited with them for a fortnight.
Seferis, considering people who seem to be less generous,
says that "the prosperous houses of another age" are now "occupied by people who creep fearfully in and out, through doors
which are always ajar, or who peer through windows as if they
had no business to be there."
That the ordinary people of Greece and Turkey have much
in common is a sentiment often expressed by the Greek writers
of Anatolia who wished to explain how they lived before the
Disaster of 1922. I never believed them. Yet several experiences
undermined my certitude, and one stands out as a mystery that
I cannot unravel.
While in Ephesus, I had made it a point to light a candle
in the house of Meryen ana. Two middle-aged Turkish women
in colorful outfits were seated on the stone wall when I came out.
They were local, but there were no homes nearby, no village
that I could see on the taxi ride up the Bulbul Mountain from
Seljuk. What were they doing there? References to Mary in the
Koran (Sura III, 11. 35-37 and 42-51) accept the virgin birth
of Jesus Christ; in commentator Abdullah Yusuf Al's words,
Mary "gave birth to a son by special miracle without the intervention of the customary physical means" (The Meaning of the
Glorious Quran, p. 134), but there was something more active
in their veneration.
There is certainly a residue, linguistic and cultural, among
the Turkish population, dating not• only from two millennia of
Christianity in Anatolia but from pagan times as well. The phenomenon of the crypto-Christians attested to by many scholars
before the Disaster of 1922 no longer obtains, I am certain, but
other evidence exists for a residue.
For example, the blue eye charm to ward off the evil eye,
a common feature in the lands of Magna Graecia, is apparently
The Other Aegean
79
limited to the Aegean regions of Turkey, and evidence of the
belief in its efficacy can be found above the drivers' seats an
buses (where, except for the script from the Koran, no other
representation is permitted). Vryonis cites customs attendant
upon marriage and birth, and even words like hrizma (for
xpiava) for the bridal bath. He concludes that Turkish society,
"though Muslim in its formal expression," retained in craft and
commercial, agricultural, and village life especially strong reminders of the land's Byzantine past, and that the "wide-spread
absorption and partial survival of Christian populations had a
marked effect on the spheres of Turkish family life (and) popular religious beliefs and practices" (p. 496). Mary Lee Settle
supports this in Turkish Reflections with an anecdote from Trabzon (Trebizond), where the townspeople, following "an old
custom of the city," make it "a point to swim on the 23rd of June,
which is the eve of the feast day of Saint Eugenios, the patron
Saint of Trebizond," though they have forgotten why (p. 64).
It is not too extreme to say that one can learn as much
about Greece and the Greek experience by crossing the narrow
strip of sea as by looking toward Hesperia or Frangia. I acknowledge that my ignorance of "the other Aegean" is my fault—
I could have been less negative—but most of those who consider themselves Hellenists share in this blame. There have been
attempts recently to study the people, the culture, and the religion of Turkey, most notably by Orthodox theologians, and
symposia on the encounter of the two religions have been held.
After all, Orthodox Christians and Muslims have lived side by
side since the very beginning of Islam.
Martin Nisson concludes Greek Folk Religion in an instructive way, comparing religion to a grove of "tall and stately
trees, which reach the sky and strike the eye from afar" and
tower above "an undergrowth of brushwood and grass." Conditions of life change, though, and popular religion adapts to
these changes, he believes. "It is easy to fell the trees," he continues, "and ... they do not put forth new shoots ... But the
undergrowth persists. The brushwood and the grass may be
cut down or even burned off; it springs up again. Every year
the undergrowth brings forth the same simple leaves and blossoms. It changes only if the mother soil is changed."
80
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
PLATE #1 (top) Ascension, 1976, oil on canvas, 29"x22" (74x56 ems)
Collection: S. Nagata
(bottom) Ship, 1978, mixed media on board
60"x80" (152x203 ems)
:4!
4
MIR 11111111
PLATE #2 (top) Wild World, 1981, oil on canvas
36"x45" (90x115 cms)
(bottom left) Love?, 1983, mixed media on canvas
59"x59" (150x150 cms)
(bottom right) The Longing, 1982, oil on canvas
45"x36" (115x90 cms)
#3, Brussels, 1988, reinforced concrete and sand 18"x72"x72"
(46x184x184 cms), installation views, Minos Beach, Crete
PLATE
PLATE #4, Under the Orchestra, 1987, oil and acrylic on canvas
84"x74" (215x190 cms)
#5 (top) Fallen Warrior, 1985, mixed media on canvas
52"x48" (132x122 ems). Collection: Ion Vorres Museum
(bottom) Labor, 1986, oil and acrylic on canvas
68"x88" (173x224 ems)
PLATE
PLATE #6, Blue Quartet, 1989, monotypes (4 panels)
70"x57" (180x145 cms). Collection: H. Sussman
Castaways, 1990-91, cast bronze and aluminum
ranging in size from 8" to 30" high (20 to 70 cms)
PLATE #7,
PLATE *8, Kiddie City, 1990-91, mixed media
12"x20"x 1 00" (30x30x254 ans), installation views
PLATE #9, Wooden Boats, 1991, wood, floor and wall arrangements
based on a 12-part module with parts ranging 13" to 48" long
(top) C.F. Skar #3 & #2, 1992-93, Sepia toned silver prints
14"x11" (36x28 cms) . Collection : I.D.S./American Express
(bottom) C.F. Skar #14 & C.F. Xen #3, Sepia toned silver prints
14"x11" (36x28 cms). Collection: Prudential Insurance Corp.
PLATE #10
PLATE #11, Dream Furnace, 1990, metal
37"x10"x12" (94x25x30 cms). Collection: P. Emfietzoglou
(right) Polls, 1991-92, wood, cement, steel, clay, and acrylic
24"x138"x138" (60x350x350 cms)
(left) Polls, Secondary stations, 1991-92, mixed media
42" high (107 cms)
PLATE #12
PLATE #13, Terrain, 1993, pigmented reinforced concrete. Installation view
at Socrates Sculpture Park. 11x8"x23'x23' (0.5x7x7 m). Photos: T. Xenos
PLATE #14 (10p) Bittersweet-Mlle, 1992-93, hydrocal
10"x60"x50" (25x152x127 cms)
(bottom) Framed, 1993, hydrocal
2.5"x10"x10" (6x25x25 cms). Photos: T. Xenos
PLATE #15
(top) Centered, 1993, hydrocal and wood
2.5"x40"x40" (6x102x102 cms)
(bottom) Framed Descendants, 1993 - 94
2.5"x40"x40" (6x102x102 cms). Photos: T. Xenos
PLATE # 16, Manahata, 1994, mixed media 16'x15'x8' (4.9x4.6x2 2.4 m)
installation views at Steinbaum Krauss Gallery, N.Y. Photos: T. Xenos
Seferis agrees -with this insight. At Vourla, a Turk tells him
that there is a shrine nearby. He recalls "the underground cave
and the saint's chapel." When he was a boy, a passage was said
to lead to "the shrine of the Virgin, where she worked miracles.
You can deny the gods from time to time," he concludes, "but
•the gestures by which they are worshipped do not disappear so
easily."
Perhaps when, or if, the Cyprus problem is solved equitably,
when the patriarchate if freed from the limitations imposed on
it, and when the Romioi of Constantinople are permitted, as
stipulated in the Treaty of Lausanne, to own property once
more, the two nations, which have much in common, will turn
to each other with the interest both deserve.
The Other Aegean
Imagined Communities:
The Artistic Ecologies of
Mark Hadjipateras
by PETER PAPPAS
A decade after his first solo show, at the Andre Zarre
Gallery in New York, Mark Hadjipateras will be the subject
of two one-person exhibitions in Europe, one in London and
one in Athens in January of 1995. While a commercial profile
has hardly ever been an indication of innate value, in Mark's*
case the increasing public exposure of his work (he had a solo
show and was part of a group show in New York in 1994)
points not so much to a sudden and generalized acceptance on
the part of the art market, as to a kind of consolidation of expression that, by virtue of its sheer presence, seems to be focusing the attention of more and more people.
Consolidation of expression? An inelegant phrase in the
*I hope to be forgiven for not conforming to the standard (and
standardized) hypocrisy of art-critical practice and camouflaging the
fact of my friendship with the artist under discussion. Just so the
reader can draw his/her own conclusions about my credibility, however,
let me just say that I have been a close friend of Mark Hadjipateras
for roughly ten years or so, and feel absolutely no compunction in stating
that fact. Furthermore, and probably more to the point, I am not an
art critic and so feel no obligation whatsoever to play by the rules of
a game that I consider to be fixed in any event. In any case, I ceased
believing in the myth of the Artist as Hero a few years after I deduced
the nonexistence of Santa Claus and the Tooth Fairy. Consequently,
I will refer to the subject of this essay not as an abstract and historically
looming Hadjipateras, but as the Mark of daily reality that I happen
to know so well.
PETER PAPPAS
is a former member of the editorial board of the
Journal of the Hellenic Diaspora.
83
extreme, but one, in my mind, infinitely preferable to the trite
notion of an artist's "maturity." I, for one, have never understood the concept of "maturation" in art (more often than not,
redundancy and even self-parody mark the final stages of an
artist's career). In any case, instead of being a sign of "immaturity," esthetic experimentation might be a statement of
genuine dissatisfaction on an artist's part regarding the frozen,
and therefore paralytic, conditions of expression in which he
or she finds him- or herself. (On the other hand, speaking in a
variety of tongues could just as easily be an indication of a
fundamental esthetic and intellectual incoherence on the part
of the speaker.)
The fact is that, in art as in most of life, what matters most
are not any preconceived formulas of maturity or immaturity
(which, unfortunately, usually end up as hierarchical and conventional, not to say authoritarian, notions of right and wrong),
but consciousness of the world and of one's relationship to and
place in it. Style is nothing if it is abstracted and disconnected
from consciousness, which is to say from its relationship to the
world to which it is always regardless of how mediated and
indirectly—connected, either positively, as affirmation or ratification, or negatively, as rejection, denial, or contempt. Indeed,
it is hardly a coincidence of the current cultural state of affairs
that the art world has, in the last couple of decades, become
indistinguishable from the world •of fashion, since style, nowhere more conspicuously than in Soho, has become, to echo
Diana Vreeland, "everything."
The problem is that style is very often not at all what it
appears to be. That has been at the heart of much of the reaction to Mark Hadjipateras's art over the last few years,
particularly because, at one point around the mid-Eighties, he
seemed to veer radically away from, indeed renounce, his previous
work. From painting to sculpture, figuration to abstraction, emotion to austerity, color to its absence (or, at the most, to a sepiawashed memorial to a monotone world), Mark appears to have
rejected every scintilla of an earlier sensibility. But looks are
often more than deceptive, they can be downright disorienting.
(What do Ingres and Mondrian have in common? Goya and
Rothko? Turner and Chagall? Pollock and Matisse? More than
—
84
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
"meets the eye" ?) This is especially the case when "style" has
been defined by an impoverished art-critical discourse that willfully and arbitrarily robs the concept of any coherent esthetic
or intellectual framework.
Ideally (truly?), style should be the medium, quite literally
the expression, of an artist's thought(s). While still in art school
in England, for example, Mark Hadjipateras did a series of
geometric paintings (Plate #1), although he subsequently moved
off into a figurative direction and visual idiom. Several years
later, he returned to the apparent abstractions of an earlier time.
Interestingly enough, however, the underlying intellectual and—
if I may use such an unpopular word in contemporary critical
discourse—ethical motivations in his figurative paintings of the
early Eighties on the one hand, and his biomorphic, and later
geometric and abstract sculptures, constructions, and installations on the other are, to this writer at least, not only manifestly
similar and related, •but thoroughly and coherently of an integrated intellectual piece.
This is not the place to enter into a detailed discussion of
Mark's work. Suffice it to say, however, that even the most
cursory examination of his figurative paintings will reveal an
obvious (perhaps too much so) concern for the situation of
human beings in the cosmos (in every sense of that latter term,
especially the cosmological one). And here, I use the word situation in its literal meaning of siting, of situating, of placing any
thing or being in its biological, ecological, social, and moral
context. The paintings of this period are clearly visual paradigms
of pseudo-Edenic, utopian, or mostly dystopian landscapes—or
rather portraits in full context, as in those paintings of the
ancien regime in which aristocrats or prominent burghers are
literally framed by their estates and possessions. In Mark's case,
the (mostly) female subjects are concurrently pre- and postlapsarian Eves, condemned (by the contemporary realities besetting
us all) to live in a world of immanent decay and inconstancy,
although, as opposed to the Eve of myth (or, more precisely,
patriarchal scapegoating), they are apparently all innocent victims, having been born into, rather than creating the conditions
of, their degradation and demise.
From these paintings, however, Mark will move onto what
The ArtistieEcologies of Mark Hadjipateras
85
will quite literally become a complete re-vision d his work, in
that the recognizable figuration of his paintings will be reorganized and reassembled into a seemingly more abstract, decidedly
biomorphic formula. I use the word formula, by the way, to
underline the transitional nature of this work. I am still not sure
how I respond to it, and if it represents anything more permanent
or essential than a necessary passage from what precedes to what
will follow. But regardless of personal assessments, it is (in
hindsight at least) a natural, indeed organic step in the evolution of Mark's visual language. If nothing else, it represents a
return to origins, to what philosophers call "first causes," to
the beginning before the beginning, to a prehurnan primordial
soup where men and women are noteworthy only for the overwhelming fact of their absence.
Thus, as I said, while I'm not sure what to make of this
period of Mark's work esthetically, intellectually it is an apt
stroke. Let us pause a moment at some titles of his figurative
paintings: The Longing, The Waiting, The Expectation, Wild
World, Abandoned by a Rainbow, Question of Time, and—
what else ?—Even Though (Plate #2). Beyond—and more relevant than—the titles, however, is the visual density of the works
themselves. They are impasted with information, mostly of a
thickly environmental nature, in the sense that they seem to
enscribe a world positively giddy (not to say nuts) with DNA
run amok. Far from any limpid, austere, or pellucid figuration,
there is in most of the work of this period an almost palpable
feeling of a baroque ecology cam ontology totally beyond the
pale of any notion of a "reasoned," let alone divinely preordained (or securely settled), universe.
Which is why, in the end, it is utterly logical that to move
forward the painter must pause (very pregnantly, I might add,
since he embarks upon a "conceptual" return to sources) and
then move backward, into the future of his work. Mark's figurative work of the early to mid-Eighties is more than an extensive
commentary on human relations (or the lack thereof); it is a
thoroughly and self-consciously anthropocentric psychological and
visual analysis. Indeed, it is precisely that anthropocentrism that
seems finally to send a chill down the artist's spine, or at least
to make him rebel, not so much against the human figure but
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JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
against the notion of human figuration as the privileged discourse of human (and social) representation. The Longing. The
Waiting. The Expectation. Wild World. Even Though. It's as
if we are poised on the last, infinite moment before the Apocalypse, before the ultimate Rapture leading to the consummation
devoutly to be wished that returns everything that was ever
human to everything that was here an eternity before we emerged,
dripping wet, on all fours, from the primal ooze.
And so, Mark moves from history to prehistory, to a biomorphism and organicism in which what is human can only be
imagined (and constructed) from what is outside, not so much
the scope, but the point of reference (and reverence) of human
"civilization." And yet, through this return to the world before
the Word, Mark discovers the idiom—and, more to the point,
the media—through which he has done his most interesting work
of the last several years.
Ironically, one of the most important elements of this new
work—despite its apparent rootedness in the essential nature of
the nonhuman world—is a consistent and deliberate use (and
esthetic transformation) of found objects. With the obvious
exception of his monotypes, there is no part of Mark's work
of the last few years whose design (and, in many instances,
architecture) have not been metamorphosed by the particular
found objects embedded (usually literally) in them. Beyond any
other issues, moreover, Mark's preoccupation of the last few
years with constructing his art has led to an almost literal sense
of building, and to his own exploitation of the "humble" (original) arts associated with the construction trades.
The most conspicuous example of this "craftsmanship" verging on an industrial esthetic is a series of works executed in
Syros in 1990. What all these works have in common is Mark's
ability to transform the found object into a profound—almost
cruel—objectivity about the world and, not at all coincidentally,
us. To cite only one example, which I have always found particularly disturbing, his provocatively titled Dream Furnace (Plate
#11) has never been anything other to me than a Furnace of
Nightmares. It strikes me that, for anyone living in this world
since 1945, it is impossible to look at an image such as this without automatically, perhaps neurotically, transforming (transThe Artistic Ecologies of Mark Hadjipateras 87
ferring) it into the actual furnaces of this century's history.
What is even more horrible to contemplate is the thought that
the ultimate human dream is in fact the systematic destruction
of other human beings.
0 brave new world, that has such people in't!—Mark implicitly understands both the despicable bravery of this world
and the craven capitulations of its people, who, by the way, are
nobody else but you, me, and all those whom we love most
deeply, most desperately, most violently and terribly. And yet,
he does not despair (or at least not yet in his life). Brussels
(Plate #3) , Kiddie City (Plate #8), Terrain (Plate #13) , and
especially .Manahata (Plate #16) are all concurrently warnings
and affirmations. The warning is obvious—just look at the grid
patterns of Terrain or Bittersweetville (Plates 13 and 14) . The
affirmation is less so but nevertheless clear, particularly in
Manahata, which I think is the finest example of all this work.
While it might not possess Whitman's vitality (indeed, considering the work's title, it seems passive, almost staid) , it decidedly
emanates the poet's democracy of vistas and, therefore, of possibilities ("This is the grass that grows wherever the land is/
and the water is,/This is the common air that bathes the globe.") .
There is in fact a quintessential and semiotic playfulness to
Manahata that is downright joyful and, so, full of hope ("I
laugh at what you call dissolution/And I know the amplitude
of time.").
While I hesitate to end this exceedingly brief introduction
to Mark's work on a critical note, I must admit that the
work being exhibited in London, and that was shown in New
York (Photoscu/pture, Plate #10) , strikes me as precisely the
kind of stylization profoundly appealing to the contemporary
art world, but ultimately a dead-end in itself. If nothing else,
and though this might seem an extraordinarily rude (and reactionary) suggestion, photography—and, for that matter, sculpture—
have their own rules, which must be respected if they are ultimately
to produce any viable, which is to say meaningful and esthetically
resonant, results. In any case, the history of art, and unfortunately
culture as a whole, in the last quarter of this century is the history
of appropriation, and it does an artist no fundamental good—if
88
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
we put commercial success to the side—to appropriate the appropriators.
On the other hand, as I said at the outset of this piece,
esthetic experimentation has always been at the heart of Mark's
artistic project, and I will not be so churlish as to deny him the
most effective tool he has to advance his vision (s) of the world.
Besides, as Mark—who has lived in Greece, England, and the
U.S.—knows better than most people, it is better to travel down,
and explore, any number of fruitless paths and cul-de-sacs than
to be afraid to leave your house for fear of what awaits you on
the other side of the door. In the event, to paraphrase another
great poet (and the greatest Greek artist of the diaspora,
which is to say, of the world of wandering and infinite pathways), it is not the destination that matters in the end, but
the journey itself.*
*And speaking of journeys, I am delighted, by the way, to rejoin the
Journal (after an absence of several years) on the occasion of its
twentieth anniversary. It has truly been an impressive enterprise.
The Artistic Ecologies of Mark Hadjipateras
89
Book Reviews
ANDRE GEROLYMATOS,
Guerrilla TVarfare and Espionage in Greece,
1940 1944. New York: Pella Publishing Company, Inc., 1992;
-
paperbound; 398 pp.
Andre Gerolymatos's book is a history of the resistance to the
Axis occupation of Greece during World War II. The author's thesis
is that the resistance to the Axis occupation of Greece consisted not only
of the war fought by guerrilla forces in the mountains, but that there
was also a secret war of sabotage and espionage waged by the Greeks
in the towns and cities. Greek secret agents procured and passed large
amounts of information to the Allies, assisted a large number of
Allied personnel to escape from occupied Greece, and conducted acts
of sabotage. For example, some 250 ships were subjected to attack by
sabotage in Greek ports. Despite the obvious military importance of
such activities to the Allied cause, the Greeks who fought this secret
war have for the most part been ignored by historians of the Greek
resistance.
There are several reasons why resistance groups other than those
consisting of guerrilla armies, such as ELAS [Popular Greek Liberation Army) and EDES [National Republican Greek League),
have been overlooked by historians. Many of the records which
relate to espionage and sabotage •ctivties are not open for
inspection and might never be made available to historians. Secret wars
and secret services have a tendency to remain secret, while activities
such as the destruction of the Gorgopotamos viaduct catapulted organizations such as ELAS, EDES, and the SOB [Special Operations
Executive) into public view. According to Gerolymatos, it was successes such as the attack on the Gorgopotamos viaduct, combined with
the belief held by the SOE that the only effective armed resistance in
Axis-occupied countries could come from the radical or political left,
which led to the support by the British of the guerrilla forces in the
Greek mountains. On the other hand, and more important, the
other Greek and British organizations which carried out acts of sabotage
and espionage did not have the long-term effect on postwar Greek
politics that the guerrilla war in the mountains had.
The general outline of the guerrilla war in the Greek mountains
against the Axis is well known to all students of World War IL
As in other countries overrun by the Axis, the political left in Greece,
led by EAM [National Liberation Front] and its military arm ELAS,
Book Reviews
91
became the leading force in the resistance to the Germans and Italians.
At the end of the occupation in 1944, the political left appeared to be
poised to take control of, or at least play an important role in, the
postwar Greek state, only to be thwarted at the last minute by the
government of King George II and the political right backed by outside
military force. What happened in Greece during the years 1941-1944
is not unique. In France, for example, the communists quickly assumed
a leading role in the resistance, only to be blocked in 1944 from taking
control of the French state by the superior political skill of the Gaullists
and the presence in France of an American army.
What Gerolymatos's book does for the study of the Greek
resistance is not to alter the broad outlines of its political history, but
rather to show that the resistance was a much larger, more diverse and
complex movement than simply the andartes of ELAS, supported by
EAM's objective was to wage guerrilla war and to establish a left-wing,
the SOE, fighting in the mountains. Indeed, the picture which emerges
from Gerolymatos's Guerrilla Warfare and Espionage in Greece is
one of a multiplicity of Greek resistance groups and British intelligence agencies. Each one of these bodies, whether Greek or British,
had different politics, agendas, missions, and objectives. ELAS's and
EAM's objective was to wage guerrilla war and to establish a left-wing,
possibly communist state in postwar Greece. Some Greek resistance
movements desired a republican or centrist postwar Greek state, while
King George II wanted the restoration of the monarchy with as little
constitutional change as possible. The multiplicity of Greek resistance
and political movements was matched by the British intelligence organizations operating in Greece. The SOE, because its mission was to
"set Europe ablaze," naturally turned to and supported the armed andartes led by EAM. At the same time, other British intelligence
groups, such as MI 6 [Secret Intelligence Service) and MI 9 [escape
and evasion], whose missions were the gathering of secret intelligence,
sabotage, escape, and evasion, tended to be aligned with groups not
only from the left in Greek politics, but also with those from the center
and right. Neither MI 6 nor MI 9 were interested in leftist armed
rebellion, mostly because of their missions and the policies of the departments of the British government which they represented. MI 6 was
an agency of the British foreign office, and that department supported
the government of King George II, while MI 9 was an arm of the
war office and, as such, more or less thought that Greek politics were
irrelevant to the conduct of its mission.
Thus the importance of Gerolymatos's book is that it takes the
reader through the maze of British intelligence agencies and Greek
resistance groups to show in great detail, with supporting documentation, just what each one of these groups did or did not do during the
resistance against the Axis. For example, if a reader wants to learn
of the activities of PEAN [Pan-Hellenic Union of Fighting Youth],
or the fate in January 1942 of the Atkinson mission to Greece, then
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JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
one should consult Guerrilla Warfare and Espionage in Greece. This
book, because of its catholic coverage of the subject and extensive
documentation, as well as because of its new insights on the workings
and total picture of the Greek resistance movement 1941-1944, will become one of the standard works on the subject.
—David Syrett
Queens College, CUNY
Dangerous Voices: Women's Laments and
Greek Literature. London and New York: Routledge, 1992. 227 pp.
GAIL HOLST-WARIIAFT,
$35.00.
The past two decades have seen a burgeoning of publications on
Greek funerary rituals and lamentation. Since my own Ritual Lament
in Greek Tradition (1974) , anthropologists have contributed in-depth
studies of diverse aspects: Loring M. Danforth's Death Rituals in Rural
Greece (1982) demonstrated the mediating functions of death rituals as well
as the interconnectedness of imagery in laments for the dead, bridal
songs of departure, and songs of exile; Anna Caraveli-Chiaves drew
attention to the lament as a form of social protest, as well as to its
poetic qualities in two substantial articles (1979, 1986). C. Nadia
Seremetakis's The Last Word (1991) forcefully illustrated the enduring
power of antiphony, at both formal and social levels, in laments from
the Mani, where vendetta and clan strife have kept the lamenting
tradition alive. Renee Hirschon (1989) and Laurie Kain Hart (1992)
contributed important chapters on death rituals in their respective
books.
So, why yet another book on Greek laments? Whereas recent
anthropological studies focus on religion, ritual, and folk song, drawing
on the models formulated by van Gennep, Hertz, Geertz, and others,
Hoist-Warhaft's central thesis is that, while the ritual lament as a
genre has been progressively marginalized from Homer to the present
day, most particularly in Western societies since the Renaissance, it has
nevertheless proven a major source of inspiration for the some of the
greatest works in world literature and music. Culture, she argues, is
created upward from the bottom, not downward from the elites. In
"traditional"—or transitional—societies where the lament is still practiced,
as in parts of the Balkans, the Near East, Africa, and Asia, women are
empowered, through their control of ritual and song, to maintain contact with the "other world." Their voices are both magical and dangerous.
In "modem" societies, where the lament is no longer ritually sung,
male and female poets alike can only lament our "failure to lament."
Holst-Warhaft's book is bold and wide-ranging, with many fine
insights. It is also eminently readable. After a brief introduction, which
Book Reviews
93
skillfully demonstrates the wider significance of lament in society and
situates Hoist-Warhaft's chronological cross-cultural parameters, the
first chapter affords a broad overview as to why and how "tears" may
be transformed into "ideas" and vice versa. Emotion and rational thought
may not be the binary oppositions we thought they were, especially when
mediated by music and song. The sung lament becomes a means of
"mapping the memory" through the naming of familiar faces and
places. The next two chapters concentrate on the gender and politics
of lamenation, with some gripping examples from the Mani to demonstrate the power of woman's song as a dramatic force for order or disorder. There is a wealth of detail here on theme (name and blame
your opponent, whether divine or demonic, if you want to get your
due!) and images (metal and stone as symbols for both obduracy and
endurance; if your bread fails to rise in the oven, you can expect
trouble). In the fourth chapter, our attention is turned to ancient
funerary legislation, above all to the ways in which the (male) epitaphios
logos took over from the (female) goos and from the musical threnos
in classical Athens. Women have not always been the exclusive repositories of ritual lamentations: men, too, shed tears of grief in the Iliad,
although they may subsequently have proven more successful in articulating their anger and sorrow in professinal instrumental lamentation
and speech rather than in the ritually performed sung lament.
The author argues in the fifth chapter, with ample exempla, that
the classical Attic tragedians—Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides—each
used, and perhaps abused, the lament genre to reconcile women to their
restricted role in the ancient polls. In her final chapter, Holst-Warhaft
covers much space and ground, from Romanos the Melodist (sixth century) to Kiki Dimoula (twentieth century), in order to demonstrate the
power of women's lamentation over the Greek poetic imagination, with
many fine insights into the poetry of Palamas and Ritsos, not to mention the music of Theoclarakis and Hadzidakis.
Some classicists and anthropologists will, inevitably, quibble that
Holt-Warhaft has too superficially skimmed across time and space.
Yet, in her unassuming way, she has written a profoundly moving book
and dared to cross the spaces between emotion, experience, and literary
texts, from antiquity to the present day. She does not claim to have said
"the last word' on her subject; rather, her exploration invites us to
join in the search. We are encouraged to analyze ancient tragedy, Renaissance Cretan drama, and modern poetry and prose fiction with new
eyes, from a perspective which includes our past within our present
and our interactions with other cultures. Her wide-ranging sources are
scrupulously summarized and cited, and generously acknowledged,
throughout. Scholars, students, and general readers alike have much
to learn from this book.
—Margaret Alexion
Harvard University
94
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
editors, Greece, the
New Europe, and the Changing International Order. New York:
Pella Publishing Company, Inc., 1993. 439 pp. $20.00 paper,
$35.00 cloth.
HARRY J. PSOIVIIADES AND STAVROS B. THOMADAKIS,
The volume is a collection of 16 papers presented at a conference
jointly sponsored by the City University of New York and the Hellenic
Center for European Studies (EKEM) of Athens, Greece. The conference was held at the CUNY Graduate Center in New York between
May 20 and June 1, 1990.
The volume has the same title as the conference, and it is this
title that sets the framework of the debate: Greece as part of the new
Europe or/and Greece juxtaposed to the new Europe. The relationship
between Greece and Europe remains the point of reference in all 16
papers and gives some cohesion to the volume.
Contemporary Europe is densely institutionalized. International organizations constrain and modify state behaviors, but states can also
manipulate international organizations to their own advantage. Greece
finds itself at the heart of Europe's institutions, and yet it has some
distinct problems (cultural, political, economic, and security) its European partners do not share. The reconciliation between Greece's European orientation and its regional problems is the great challenge the
country faces in the years to come.
The volume is divided into three major sections. The first four
papers make up the first section, and they deal with the notion of
Greek identity and the necessary political and cultural, institutional and
behavioral adjustment dictated by Greece's participation in European
integration. With the end of the Cold War, the politics of culture and
identity have come to dominate modern political and international relations theory. The "civilizations! paradigm' is fashionable again.
Arghyrios A. Fatouros argues in 'Political and Institutional Facets
of Greece's Integration in the European Community" that Greece has
aligned itself with rationality and individualism as against organic
community processes and spontaneous if not irrational urges. Constantine
Tsoucalas in "Greek National Identity, in an Integrated Europe and a
Changing World Order" stressei the "free rider" individualism of Greeks
as opposed to the normative collective rationalities of the West. Yiorgos
Chouliara.s in "Greek Culture in the New Europe" analyzes the conflict
between nativism and cosmopolitanism in Greece and optimistically asserts the capacity of Greek culture to renew itself.
The most interesting paper is by Dimitri A. Sotiropoulos, who
uses Mouzelis's epigram, "a colossus with feet of clay," to describe the
Greek state. He asserts that Greek civil society is weak because it has
been permeated by party politics. Majoritarian party governments in
unitary states like Greece are structurally unrestrained in exercising
power over the state. Greece (like Italy) has excelled in partitocrazia
or "bureaucratic clientelism," whereas in France the state is managed by
Book Reviews
95
the powerful grand corps of ENA graduates, in Britain by Oxbridges,
and in Germany by a bureaucracy strong enough to resist party intervention. Greece's bureaucracy, like its parliament, has been unable to
shape policy in Greece the way it has in other Western democracies.
The Greek state is not only top-heavy and mismanaged, but it is also
overburdened with excess labor and is understaffed in technical expertise. The problem with the Greek state is historical and structural
and has a lot to do with party-state relations and the complete submission
of state mechanisms to party lackeys.
Stavros B. Thomadakis adds to this crucial debate by assessing in
"European Economic Integration, the Greek State, and the Challenges
of the 1990s" that competition among the public sectors will intensify.
The countries with efficient, productive public administrations and effective judiciaries have a comparative advantage in attracting foreign
investment. In this competition the Greek administrative apparatus is in
a disadvantageous position, and it should be streamlined and rationalized
to withstand the international competition between public sectors in
Europe. This process of modernization is intertwined with the whole
restructuring of the economy and the necessary boom in public investment, of which Thomadakis is strongly in favor.
It is no coincidence that the book's second section, which deals
with economic issues, takes up two-thirds of the volume, since the
significance of the economic performance of a country like Greece and
the emphasis given today to the economic aspects of European integration cannot be underestimated. The papers mainly cover the question
of economic and monetary integration (Alogoskoufis, Papademos,
Vergopoulos). The problem of industry, primarily as a problem of
adjustment of the productive structures of Greece to European standards,
is an important part of the section (Giannitsis, Lyberaki). While there
are two papers on the Greek public sector (Thomadakis, Provopoulos
and Tinios), the changes in the economic relations between Greece
and Eastern Europe are presented and analyzed in a paper by Sotiris
Wallden.
In his paper, "European Monetary Union and Greek Economic
Policy," Lucas Papa.demos delimits the challenges that Greek economic
policymakers face within the new reality of the European Monetary
Union. He refers to the processes of European integration toward a
common currency and an integrated monetary policy. Papademos, the
current vice president of the Bank of Greece, is known to have a
"gradualist" approach as far as the timing of drachma's entry into the
ERM of the EMU is concerned. In other words, he favors the gradual
entry of the drachma into the ERNI, preceded by the correction of
the economy's macroeconomic imbalances, so that nominal convergence,
according to Maastricht, takes place first.
For most orthodox economists, including Papademos and Alogoskoufis, the reduction in the cost of transactions and the "buy out" of
stability and credibility from the hard currencies of ERM constitute the
96
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
main arguments in favor of the drachma's entry. Papademos emphasizes
the importance of fiscal and political cooperation among member-states.
He correctly appreciates the absence of a Community budget that, as
in the case of the United States, could compensate the countries or
regions that suffer from monetary integration. Under the current circumstances, one cannot be optimistic about solidarity and close economic and political cooperation among EU countries.
Papademos's "gradualist" approach implies, as preconditions for
entry, the fall of inflation and a reduction of the public debt and
budget deficit, as well as the complete submission of fiscal policy to a
stability-oriented monetary policy. Otherwise, the high merest rates that
the state will pay for borrowing will continue to enhance macroeconomic
imbalances and thus, given the free movement of capital, the drachma
will be devalued and forced to leave the ERM.
No matter how valuable this observation is, the issue at stake is
how this adjustment can materialize. In other words, can the fiscal adjustment be achieved only with a mix of tight monetary, credit, and
income policies, as both Papademos and Alogoskoufis claim? Papademos's
argument in relation to the "preconditions" for drachma's entry into the
ERM is weak, whereas Alogoskoufis, in "Greece and European Monetary
Unification," does not even pose any preconditions. A direct and complete liberalization in the movement of capital, together with a "premature" entry—possibly after a sudden and once-and-for-all devaluation—is thought to be capable of granting the drachma a sense of stability
and public confidence, thereby providing the drachma with some of the
anti-inflationary credit it lacks. The question, however, is whether a
weak currency such as the drachma can remain in the ERM at a time
when fiscal imbalances, high inflation, and the external deficit of the
economy further deteriorate due to the even tighter policy that will
follow. In other words, fiscal adjustment is contradictory to the policy
of monetary harmonization. Indeed, the policy of hard currency that
Greece has followed during the last years accentuated the problem of
the competitivenes of Greek products, and thus increased the external
and budgetary deficit of the economy. It deescalated inflation only marginally, despite the recession it plunged the economy into, because the
restriction of demand limited the economies of scale and increased the
production costs of Greek firms.
Kostas Vergopoulos's paper, "Greece in the New European Order:
Internationalization and Deconstruction," offers an alternative proposition for approaching the problem of the Greek economy. He concludes
that in Greece during the 1980s labor costs, private consumption, and
overall demand retreated in favor of savings and profits, while some
adjustment occurred in the manufacturing sector despite (or because
of) the problems it had to deal with. Vergopoulos finds the recessionary policies of the past couple of years responsible for the acute
imbalances and the high inflation rate.
On the contrary, Tassos Giannitsis in "World Market Integration:
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97
Trade Effects and implications for Industrial and Technological Change
in the Case of Greece" and Antigone Lyberaki in "Greece-EC Comparative Economic Performance: Convergence or Divergence?" observe a
downturn for the Greek economy in general and for manufacturing in
particular during the 1980s, which becomes obvious with the penetration of imports and the deterioration of the trade balance—a view totally
at variance with Vergopoulos's. The "divergence" of the Greek economy occurred after the liberalization of imports that replaced Greek
products in the domestic market, increased the demand for foreign
goods, did not allow the creation and growth of infant industries, and
suppressed the profits of Greek firms. "While Giannitsis correctly overcomes the limits of a horizontal industrial policy, the delimitation of
policies for overcoming the crisis is incomplete, as he does not refer to
specific criteria for "industry-targeting."
Sotiris Wallden in "Greece and Eastern Europe: Economic Relations" analyzes the diminishing importance of trade relations between
Greece and Eastern Europe since the early 1980s. However, he foresees the potential strengthening of economic cooperation between Greece
and the Balkan countries in particular. His conclusions—that Greece
needs a better competitive performance and an upgraded economic diplomacy to take advantage of the challenge that postcommunist Eastern
Europe poses—are not particularly innovative.
The paper by Georgios Provopoulos and Platon Tinios, "Pensions
and the Fiscal. Crisis of the Greek State," examines the "contribution"
of pensions and social security to the increase of budget deficits and
public debt in Greece, but is too specialized a text to be a part of this
volume. Further, their view, that the exaggerated increase of public
payments for such expenses has contributed significantly to the growth
of the public deficit, is simplistic.
The third and fast section of this book is dedicated to Greek foreign 'policy. Theodore Coulotunbis in "Greek-U.S. Relations in the 1990s:
Back into the Future" deals with the new world order. The major
powers of this new global order are the United States, Russia, a united
Europe, China, and Japan. This penta-polarity is in some respects
reminiscent of the nineteenth century's Concert of Europe. Greece's objective is the deepening of the integration process in Europe, mainly for
economic and security reasons. Couloumbis concludes that a new era
of productive cooperation between the United States and Greece has
begun, but he warns that "U.S. thinking vill have to adapt to the new
reality that future Greek-U.S. relationships will pass through a European
Community filter" (p. 390).
In "Greece, Turkey, Cyprus and the United States in the Changing
International Order," Van Coufoudakis strikes a direct blow to the
euphoria that characterized U.S.-Greek relations following the ousting
of PASOK and the arrival •of New Democracy (1989-1990). During
the last three years, the publication of the "U.S. president's bimonthly
reports on Cyprus, the Ledsky-de Cuellar initiatives on Cyprus, the pub98
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
Iications oi human rights reports, and the unraveling of the 7:10 ratio
in aid to Greece and Turkey are true testimony for the author of
Greece's reduced strategic and political significance compared to Turkey's,
especially after the Gulf War. However, the theory that Turkey can
potentially become a regional power with an enhanced say in the Balkans
and the Middle East is less popular today than two years ago. Turkey
has enormous domestic problems to deal with, and its present political
stability should not be taken for granted.
P. C. Ioakimidis deals with a popular theme among observers of
the Greek polity: the political success of the democracy established in
1974-1975 as opposed to its economic failures. His focus is narrower,
referring to post-1981 Greece and its accession to the European Community. The conclusions are similar: Greek democracy has been further
consolidated due to EC membership, but the Greek economy has failed
to modernize despite the considerable assistance provided by the
Community.
In "Greece in the EC: Policies, Experiences and Prospects," Ioakimidis is primarily concerned with Greek foreign policy after the accession. Paraphrasing an aphorism said of the UK, he claims that "Greece
has found in the European Community a role, yet without having lost
anything" (p. 410). Community membership affords important negotiating advantages and bargaining superiority for Greece in dealing with
its Balkan neighbors. After initial hesitation, Greece has been converted to a radical federalism. It would not be an exaggeration to say
that Greece is now the most advanced pro-integrationist country of all
member-states in the Community. Why? The answer is clear and simple:
because of the perceived economic and security benefits. The danger,
however, is that Greece might not be able to follow the integrationist
drive due to economic divergence. Moreover, the Greek public mood
might change due to a solidarity failure of the common foreign policy
of the Community over issues that Gree considers vital, such as the
Macedonian question or a possible confrontation with Turkey in the
Aegean or in Cyprus.
Richard Clogg, a leading authority on the history of modem
Greece, is the man chosen to make modem Greece and modern Greek
history known to English speakers. His book, A Concise History of
Greece, is the standard textbook for most Greek history courses in
American and British universities. As a loyal historian, Clogg devotes
the first part of this paper, "Greece and the Balkans in the 1990s," to
a review of Greek-Balkan relations since the creation of the Greek state.
Referring to Greek-Bulgarian relations during the last 20 years, he
correctly emphasizes that this "growing rapprochment between two
countries with a long history of antagonism and allegiances to opposing
military alliances is undoubtedly the most remarkable, and surprising,
development in Greece's bilateral relations with its neighbors in recent
years" (p. 428).
Clogg, however, cannot escape from some cultural stereotypes so
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popular today in the West. For him, communism has been rejected in
Central Europe because of its Hapsburg heritage, while it has been
upheld in the Balkans due to Ottoman traditions. Though it is very
interesting and amusing to be confronted with present-day "Hapsburg
nostalgia," the irony is that only three years after the article was written,
Poland, Hungary, and Lithuania have communist governments, and
Slovakia has not moved much in the direction of a market democracy
despite the fact that it is part of the Mitteleuropa.
Clogg got it right as far as the Macedonian question is concerned,
when he predicted that "Greece is in danger of protesting too much
and, in doing so, of playing into Skopje's hands" (p. 433).
Finally, this book contains a useful section with biographical information about each contributor. This is a volume of high-quality academic work, yet accessible not only to the specialist but also to everyone
with an interest in contemporary Greece. The breadth and scope of the
papers included, ranging from issues of national identity and civic society
to the economy, convergence, and structural adjustment to foreign
policy, and the new geostrategic environment, should satisfy even the
most demanding reader.
In conclusion, rarely have works on Greece of such standard and
diversity been published in the United States. Undoubtedly, Greece, the
New Europe, and the Changing International Order is a valuable tool
for any scholar of modern Greek studies to comprehend the new realities
in the post-Cold War era.
—Dimitris Keridis
Tufts University
—Theodore Pelagides
Harvard University
ELENA FRANGAKIS-SYRE'rr, The
Commerce of Smyrna in the Eighteenth
Century 1700-1820. Athens: Center for Asia Minor Studies, 1993.
Elena Frangalcis-Syrett has written a valuable monograph on Smyrna
and its foreign trade in the eighteenth century. Frangakis-Syreft draws
on the records of the British foreign office and the French ministry
of foreign affairs to provide the reader with a wealth of information—
both statistical and anecdotal—on this vibrant port in the eastern
Mediterranean.
The book is divided into eight chapters followed by numerous
appendices containing mostly statistical information on imports from
and exports to Marseilles. The first chapter provides a general overview of the Ottoman empire up to the time in question. The next three
100
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
chapters discuss Smyrna on a general level: the reasons for its prosperity
in the eighteenth century, the adverse forces it had to contend with,
and, finally, the various trading communities in the city. Chapters
five and six discuss the fortunes of various European nations in Smyrna.
Because the British and the French were already considered in an
earlier, more general, section, this is somewhat repetitive. The last two
chapters consist of a detailed examination of Smyrna's imports and
exports, arranged by commodity.
Historians of the economic and social history of the Near East
will no doubt consult this book frequently for the material that it contains. In addition to the statistical tables, the narrative sources used by
Frangakis-Syrett frequently provide fascinating and vivid information. Thus
the French consul in Chios wrote to Paris in 1824 that ships from
Psara were flying a black flag with a white cross in the middle to
mourn the Ottoman attack on their island (p. 73). On a more mundane level, the records of the English factory in Smyrna note with
anxiety, in 1735, that three caravans expected from Ankara had been
delayed for 63 days "by arrival in Ankara of a pasa [sic] who confiscated all the camels" (p. 30). The notes went on to say that such
an incident had never happened before in living memory.
It is frustrating, then, that Frangalds-Syrett seems almost to write
her book despite her sources. In other words, she often repeats the
conventional wisdom on the Ottoman empire, even though her own
evidence contradicts it. This gives the book a rather schizophrenic quality. In discussing the powerful ayan family, the Karaosmanoglu, for
instance, she notes that the family treated the peasantry well. As a result, trade expanded and Greek peasants from the Morea emigrated
to the environs of Smyrna to enjoy their benevolent rule (p. 40). This
does not prevent the author from painting the old picture of a benevolent
central government working to protect the peasantry from the oppressive
ayan (p. 4). The picture she paints of Karaosmanoglu rule, one where
caravan delays were virtually unheard of, could lead the author to question the standard assumption of eighteenth-century violence and anarchy,
but she chooses not to. In explaining the relative absence of Muslims in
the records of European archives, she offers the old view that Muslims
had very little contact with Europeans (p. 114). This, despite her own
evidence to the contrary (pp. 30 and 37). In fact, she makes the
interesting point that:
... in the mid-seventeeth century, when the European merchants were starting to come into social contact with the inhabitants of Smyrna, the Turks seemed to participate as much
as the other ethnic communities. By the end of the eighteenth
century, little social contact existed between the Turks and
the Europeans, apart from visits of protocol.
Frangalcis-Syrett does not explore why this should be the case. On a
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101
inore general level—and this is in keeping with a very old historiographical tradition—the author tends to treat Smyrna in isolation from
the rest of the Ottoman empire. Economic factors are privileged over
Other forces. It was certainly true, at least in the eighteenth century,
that trade with Western Europe was the engine of Smyrna's growth.
Yet she often implies, or even proves, that Ottoman politics were vital
to the city's continued prosperity. The demise of Chios, for instance,
is attributed the "manoeuvrings of customs officials in Smyrna..."
(p. 27) In her fascinating discussion of Greek-Dutch rivalry over cloth
imports at the end of the eighteenth century, both sides had recourse
to the Porte in an attempt to best their rival (p. 101). Frangakis-Syrett
provides a good deal of information on Ottoman politics and international trade, but the very organization and emphasis of the book
tends to obscure this vital context.
Frangakis-Syrett has written a book that is rich in detail and which
often makes for fascinating reading. Future work must try to incorporate the history of Smyrna, and other Ottoman cities for that matter,
into the history of the empire as a whole.
— Molly Greene
Princeton University
sla
CAROL DOUGHERTY, The Poetics of Colonization: From City to Text
in Archaic Greece. New York: Oxford University Press, 1993.
224 pp., 4 halftones. $39.95.
This study reexamines the tales scattered in myth, legend, folklore, and historical writing that describe the founding of Greek
colonies from the mid-eighth to the fifth centuries B.C. Dougherty
proposes that these accounts be viewed as an ancient species of the
colonial discourse" (p. 4) that, according to modern historians, enabled
European to justify their settlement and subjugation of the New
World and other unexplored areas of the globe from the fifteenth
to the nineteenth centuries. (The study does not attempt to be comparative, despite its occasional passing analogies between the rhetorical
strategies of European accounts and those used in the Greek colonial
tales.). Dougherty suggests that the tales be understood as a "topos or
theme" that is embedded" (p. 15) in poetic and prose genres in a
range of authors from Homer, Pindar, and Herodotus to Strabo,
Plutarch, and Pausanias. In removing the tales from these contexts,
Dougherty's goal is to scrutinize them as cultural constructs or "representations" (p. 4) capable of revealing at a. deeper, structural level
the Greek mentaliti reconciling colonization with the underlying patterns of Greek cultural life.
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JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
The four chapters of Part I identify the generic features ot the
tales as: (a) a tripartite plot consisting of civic crisis in the mother
city, consultation with Apollo's oracle at Delphi, and resolution of the
crisis through the establishment of a colony; and (b) the articulation
of this plot through the persistent use of three "cultural metaphors"
(p. 7) that mask the traumatic social disruptions motivating colonization and the violence behind the Greek subjugation of barbarian
peoples and lands. These metaphors are the pollution and purification
associated with homicide, the solving of riddles constructed around a
bilingual pun, and marriage or rape as the domination of male over
female.
Through Mary Douglas's anthropological understanding of pollution and purification as the confusion and reordering of cultural categories, Dougherty explains how colonial tales of homicide, expulsion,
and purification enabled the Greeks to represent the separation of
colonizers from citizens in the mother city and their reintegration into
the colony's new social order. The link between purification and
colonization also helps Dougherty explain Delphic Apollo's pivotal
role as the deity of both spheres. The Delphic stage of colonization
likewise provides the metaphor of riddle-solving utilized by some
of the tales to designate the favored colonial locale or to explain the
etymology of the new colony's name. Since they often require the
resolution of a paradox or bilingual pun, for Dougherty these riddles
portray the Greek triumph over the chaotic and uncontrollable barbarian landscape by translating foreign place names or terms into an
intelligible Greek order. Lastly, Dougherty understands the metaphor
of marriage or rape that is enacted in some tales between a Greek
male deity and the barbarian land's eponymous nymph as performing
the mediating function of "integration and acculturation" (p. 61).
Such a metaphor is useful to the Greek mind, Dougherty maintains,
because it transforms this land (and often native women themselves)
from the categories of the unproductive, wild, and foreign into the
familiar realm of Greek male productivity. At a similarly unconscious
level it expresses the hostility between Greek colonizers and barbarian
natives in terms of the sexual violence of male over female in Greek
marriage.
Part II consists of four chapters tracing the use of these three
metaphors in seven fifth-century texts. One chapter focuses solely on
texts associated with Hieron of Syracuse's "founding" of Aitna in
476: Pindar's Pythian 1, Aeschylus's lost tragedy Aetnaeae (as reconstructed from a four-line fragment and ancient commentators), and a
possible poem by Simonides mentioned in a scholiast to Theocritus
(Simonides fr. 552). In another chapter Dougherty explores the connections between the victor in panhellenic athletic competition and
the heroic figure of the "oikist," or colonial founder, through Pythian
5's use of Cyrenean colonial legend. The metaphor of the homicidal
founder and his need for purification in the foundation myth of
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Rhodes allows Dougherty to compare Olympian 7 with Bacchylides's
ode 11; and in the final chapter she returns to Cyrenean legend in
Pythian 9, where she analyzes the rape of the nymph Cyrene by
Apollo as a metaphor allowing Pindar to link violence, colonization,
and marriage with the reintegration of the victor Telesicrates into
Cyrenean society.
This study's most impressive achievement is to renew interest in,
and add a fresh perspective to, the "submerged" genre of the Greek
colonial tale. In Part I Dougherty lucidly enumerates the tales' formal
features of plot and metaphor, and her cultural explanations for the
tales' inevitable connection to Delphic Apollo are persuasive and enlightening. All of Part I is carefully grounded in the structural method
associated with Jean Pierre Vemant, Pierre Vidal-Naquet, et al., and
benefits from the broad insights into the Greeks' "cultural unconscious"
that characterize this blend of LeviStraussian structuralism with the
approach of the Annales school. (As suggested below, however, in its
application this methodology can admit limitations.)
The first chapter of Part II on the poetic texts that enabled
Hieron of Syracuse to stage his "founding" of Aitna is outstanding in
displaying how systematically the tyrant and his poets exploited the
elements of the colonial narrative tradition, especially the figure of
the oikist-hero and the metaphor of marriage and rape. Dougherty's
use here of iconographic evidence from numismatics and vase-painting
adds a welcome scope to her otherwise strict reliance on textual interpretations; and she finds surprisingly substantive material in the slim
remains of Aeschylus's play and Simonides's vanished poem. The focus
on Pindar throughout Part II also succeeds in persuading us of colonial
narrative's importance to the ideology of civic identity in the classical
period. Moreover, the analogies Dougherty sees Pindar develop between
the victor and the oikist-hero contribute to the recent efforts of Gregory
Nagy and Leslie Kurke to understand epinician's formal complexity
in terms of long-standing institutions, cultural practices, and values,
(It's hard, though, not to find Parts I and II oddly unbalanced: Part
l's broad cultural issues and range of textual evidence from Homer
to Pausanias contrast sharply with Part II's discussion of seven choral
texts composed within a span of less than 20 years.)
More problematic for the entire study are the implications of
Dougherty's initial methodological statement that "... this book is
concerned with the representations—not the realia—of archaic colonization" (p. 4) Through it she reduces the possibility of a genuinely historical understanding of these colonial narratives as responses to the
specific social and economic transformations of Greek societies from
the eighth to fifth centuries. By adopting Hayden White's belief that
"... events themselves cannot form stories" (p. 5), Dougherty divorces
the narrative from any sense of colonization as a critical phase in
Greek state formation. Her focus on form accommodates scattered
references to cultural anthropologists (Geertz, Sahlins, and Turner, in
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addition to Douglas), but ignores the progress political anthropologists
and archeologists have made over the past 30 years in their crosscultural understanding of the processes by which communities could
be organized into early states (e.g., the process Colin Renfrew calls
"peer polity interaction" seems tailor-made for any inquiry into the
way panhellenic narratives and cult practices functioned as symbolic
systems to constitute and legitimate state authority in both mother city
and colony).
Likewise, Dougherty considers the oikist-hero and his cult as important formal elements in the narratives, but she neglects their significance as
symbols for important historical changes in the authority of the Iron Age
basileus. Only passing references (p. 30, n. 56, and p. 43, n. 23) are given
to Francois de Polignac's model of polls formation centered around hero
cult in mother city and colony; no attempt is made to relate narrative
variations of the oikist-hero to the historical variations James Whitley
has found in hero cult's contribution to polls formation; and short
shrift is given to Irad Malkin's reconstruction of the oikist-hero as a
historical agent who enabled Greeks of the eighth and seventh centuries
to manipulate religious traditions rationally in the interest of state
formation. Because Dougherty often regards the colonial tales as transhistorical constructs, her readings of Pindar and his contemporaries in
Part II likewise emphasize the formal rather than political or social
problems of colonial elements embedded in texts designed to articulate
a fifth-century civic ideology.
Lastly, the study would have benefited from better editorial assistance: it repeatedly summarizes major points at the beginning and
end of each chapter, and again in a formal condusion; and its appendix
provides an unnecessary 16 pages of the Greek text and translation of
odes by Pindar and Bacchylides that are discussed and quoted at
length in Part II. (If reproducing these complete texts was judged
essential, why was Pythian I excluded?) The reader would have
benefited more from the texts and translations of key passages from
the relatively unfamiliar and inaccessible colonial tales that Dougherty
analyzes.
—Vincent Parenga
,
University of Southern California
PALIvIIRA BRummErr, Ottoman Seapower and Levantine Diplomacy in
the Age of Discovery. SUNY Press, 1994. Pp. 285.
Palmira Brummet's book, Ottoman Seapower and Levantine
Diplomacy in the Age of Discovery, is a welcome departure from
much of the traditional historiography on the Ottoman empire in
the sixteenth century. It is not so much that Brummett presents a wealth of
new material, but rather that she interprets an old story in a new way.
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105
By so doing she raises anew the question of the nature of the Ottoman
state.
The story she is concerned with is the contest for power in the
eastern Mediterranean and Southeast Asia at the turn of the sixteenth
century. During this period the Ottomans managed to establish their
supremacy against Venetian, Safavid, and Mamluk contenders. While this
geopolitical struggle was changing the map of the eastern Mediterranean,
the Portuguese arrival in the Indian Ocean threatened all the Levantine
powers that had traditionally benefited from the trade with the east.
In reexamining this period Brumrnett has several goals, all of them
ambitious. First and foremost, she would like to grant intentionality to
the Ottoman state, a quality which heretofore has been reserved for
western (i.e., Christian) powers. To those outside the field this might
seem like a modest enough goal, but Brummett rather caustically paints
a picture of the existing historiography, which all Ottoman historians
will recognize:
Historiography generally has excluded the Oriental empires
from the competition for world economic power. The Chinese
sailed to Africa in the early fifteenth century. Then one day
the ships apparently just stopped coming. The Mongols "swept'
across the steppes for the love of conquest, pastures and space.
The Ottoman armies marched to Yemen, Tabriz, Vienna. Yet
this marching seems somehow merely instinctual, a reaction of
blood, training, or temperament. (p. 15)
In place of this Oriental Frankenstein, Brummett argues for a state
with both commercial ambitions and serious naval capabilities, which it
developed in conscious pursuit of its commercial goals. Because of these
qualities, she continues, we can call the Ottoman empire a Levantine
state that can be profitably compared to other Levantine powers.
The Ottoman economic mind can be assumed to reflect the
Levantine trading patterns employed by Ottoman predecessors
and competitor states who possessed the wherewithal to manipulate trade. (p. 181)
In order to understand the Ottomans as a commercial power, the author
argues that we must come out from under the shadow of Columbus and
the Age of Discovery and look at a different world map "centering not
in Lisbon, Antwerp, Amsterdam, Paris or London but on Istanbul,
Cairo and Tabitz" (p. 2). This area she calls "Euro-Asia," a territory
"stretching from the Balkans to South Asia governed by Muslim rulers
who controlled the traditional land-based routes and the Mediterranean
outlets of the eastern trade" (p. 3). It was to the conquest of this area
that the Ottomans directed their energies, for reasons not unlike those that
sent the Portuguese to the Indian Ocean. It was not that the Ottomans,
as good Muslims, were indifferent to the new developments in Western
Europe as so many have argued. Rather, it was that, as inheritors of
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JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
ancient Rome and fortified by the myths of Alexander, they were drawn
to the east.
In the course of their expansion across Euro-Asia, the Ottomans
not only assumed control of various preexisting trading networks but
also continued to participate in the trade established by their predecessors.
In pursuit of this argument, Brummett concentrates on three areas: grain,
silks and spices, and the copper trade. In discussing Ottoman behavior
toward these commodities, the focus is not on presenting new material
but rather on showing how the Ottomans behaved more or less like
other Levantine states. In the case of grain, they were concerned with
provisioning their cities, but at the same time individual members of the
Ottoman ruling class—the askeri—were concerned with realizing a profit
from the perpetual shortages of grain in the Mediterranean. Drawing on
published material from the Venetian archives, Brunamett gives many examples of askeri participation in trade, most notably that of the Grand
Vizier Riistem Pasha, who sent his own ships with grain to Venice in 1551
(p. 139). Such trading activity on the part of the askeri has been noted
before but dismissed as an "indicator of the Oriental penchant
for corruption" (p. 140). Brummett argues instead that this was the
natural response of grain-producing areas to demand from areas of
scarcity, and she notes that the Byzantines benefited in their relationship
with the Genoese from Balkan and Anatolian grain surpluses (p. 131).
Copper was essential to pay for the silks and spices coming in from
the east. Brummett shows how the Ottomans took over the copper
mines of Anatolia in the fifteenth century and began exporting copper
to Alexandria, just as the Genoese had done before them, in order to
pay for eastern luxuries. Bayezid himself engaged in this trade, lured,
as the Venetian bailo observed, by the opportunity "to become a merchant and secure substantial profits" (p. 151). The Portuguese, too,
saw the Ottomans as commercial competitors rather than as an exclusively land-based empire. Only six months after the Ottoman conquest of Cairo, the Portuguese worried that, if the Ottomans were able
to establish a fleet in the Red Sea, they would be able to supplant the
Portuguese in India (p. 174).
In the strongest and most interesting chapter of the book, "Ottoman
Naval Development," Brummett shows how Ottoman commercial ambition was backed by a strong navy that was second to none in the Mediterranean (Sultan Bayezid wanted to build ships "agile as sea serpents"
(p. 90)). She points out that the Ottoman impulse to develop a navy
was not purely defensive, since much of the buildup took place after
the peace treaty with Venice in 1503. In her discussion of the Ottoman
navy, Brummett argues persuasively that we must change our idea of what
sea power was all about. Large-scale battles were the exception rather than
the rule and were enormously expensive to both sides. Both the Ottomans and the Venetians used their navies mostly to transport troops,
defend commerce, support land campaigns and sieges, and fight piracy.
We must reorient ourselves "to a more mundane version of LevanBook
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107
tine sea power" (p. 95). In this more• mundane world, Venetian and
Ottoman interests coincided. The Ottomans earned the gratitude of the
Venetians by keeping the seas free from pirates. A strong navy allowed
the sultan (and others) to enjoy the revenues that accrued from Venetian
trade. Far from being an outlaw navy staffed by pirates, the Ottoman
sea captains were as interested in law and order as their Venetian counterparts. One of the more striking examples Brummett gives is the arrival,
in November of 1507, of
... a Turkish galleon at Corfu shortly after the Venetian provveditor had executed some Turkish corsairs. The galleon captain
congratulated the provveditor saying that the sultan would
have done the same. (p. 103)
Brummett also makes it clear that maritime strength served the Ottoman
well in the diplomatic arena. Both Venice and the Mamluks reconciled
themselves to Ottoman supremacy, in part because they appeared to be
the only naval power capable of taking on the Portuguese.
In her insistence that the Ottoman state be integrated into Levantine history, Brummett rejects the approach which identifies the empire
as Muslim first and foremost and thus essentially different from other
Mediterranean powers. The principles of economic analysis applied to
economic behavior must "be equivalent for the Ottoman and European
states" (p. 177). This comparative approach is badly needed in Ottoman historiography, and Brummett has succeeded in showing the many
similarities between the Empire and other Mediterranean states. She is
not as clear on the relationship between those Ottoman officials who
engaged in trade and the sultan they served. This is clearly a difficult question to answer, because trade seemed to occur on an ad hoc
basis, rather than as the result of clearly articulated commercial institutions (as in the case of Venice). Brummett tends to skirt this issue by
saying, "There was no absolute distinction between state commercial interests and the individual commercial interests of those who were servants
of the state" (p. 124). This is not entirely satisfactory and leaves open
the question as to whether the Ottoman state was more than the sum
total of its parts. The question of a,rkeri participation in trade, and what
it can tell us about the state, is a critical one. In the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries such activity is seen as a prime example of Ottoman
corruption and decline. The fact that it went on while the empire was
at its height, as well as Brummett's insistence that we see this as classic
Levantine behavior rather than corruption, is highly interesting.
Although the question of the Ottoman state remains an open one,
Brummett has succeeded in writing an extremely thoughtful book that
recasts the relationship between the Ottoman empire and the EuroAsian world. Her comparative approach stands as an example to other
students of the Ottoman empire.
Molly Greene
Princeton University
108
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
Index to Volumes 1 through 20
ARTICLES
A
"Academic Links Between Berlin University and Fascist Greece," Johannes
Irmcher, Vol. XIII, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer 1986.
"A Coup de Grace for the Foreign Monarchy," Nikos Petropoulos,
Vol. II, No. 1, Spring 1975.
"A Critical Appraisal of U.S. Policy Toward Greece," James Petras,
Vol. IX, No. 3, Fall 1982.
"A Demonstrator Narrates the Events as He Lived Them Outside the
Polytechnic University," Vol. I, No. 3, 1974.
"A Discussion with Theodoros Stamos," Marina Kasdaglis and Peter
Pappas, Vol. IX, No. 4, Winter 1982.
"A Divided Land: Greece in the Nineteen Forties," Alexander Kitroeff,
Vol. IX, No. 2, Summer 1982.
"A Frank Says 'Thank You' to Nikos Kazantzakis," Roger Green, Vol. X,
No. 4, Winter 1983 (Special Issue).
"Against Return: Genre and Politics in Elias Venezis' Aeolian Earth,"
Alison Cadbury, Vol. 18.1, 1992 (Special Issue).
"Against 'The Violent Power of Knowledge,'" Roderick Beaton,'" Vol.
X, No. 3, Fail 1983.
"Agamemnon," Yannis Ritsos, Vol. XI, No. 4, Winter 1984.
"A Greek Foreign Student's Impressions of the U.S.A.," Nikos Spartacos,
Vol. I, No. 2, 1974.
"Albania in the 1990s: A Travel Memoir and Oral History," Nicholas
S. Balamaci, Vol. 19.2, 1993 (Special Issue).
"A Letter on 'Thrush,'" George Seferis, Vol. II, No. 2, Summer 1980.
"Alexander, Berthold, and Claus Graf Stauffenberg, The Stefan George
Circle, and Greece: Background to the Plot Against Hitler," Peter
Hoffman, Vol. XI, No. 3, Fall 1984 (Special Issue).
"Alexandros Kotzias: Antipoiesis Archis and the Poetis of an Antihistorian," Christos S. Romanos, Vol. IX, No. 1, Spring 1982.
"Alexandros Kotzias: Brave T elemachos and Expressionist Art," Christos
S. Romanos, Vol. VIII, No. 3, Fall 1981.
"Alexis Lykiard," Dan Georgakas, Vol. IV, No. 4, Winter 1978.
"A Life-Long Sojourn in the Aegean: A Tribute to Kaldis," George
Valamvanos, Vol. VI, No. 2, Summer 1979.
109
"American Economic Penetration of Greece in the Late Nineteen Forties,"
Theodore C. Kariotis, Vol. VI, No. 4, Winter 1979.
"American Institutional Penetration into Greek Military and Political
Policymaking Structures: June 1947-October 1949," Michael Mark
Amen, Vol. V, No. 3, Fall 1978 (Special Issue).
"American Philhellenic Poetry, 1821-1830," M. Byron Raizis, Vol. II,
No. 1, Spring 1975.
"An Adventure of Oral Narrative In Modern Turkish Literature," Suha
Oguzertem, Vol. 18.1, 1992 (Special Issue).
"Anatomy Lesson," Vasilis Vasilikos, Vol. VI, No. 1, Spring 1979.
"An Appreciation of Ancient Greek Coins," Jerry Theodorou, Vol. XV,
Nos. 3 & 4, Fall-Winter 1988.
"Andreas Papandreou's Speech to PAK Members and Friends" (Toronto,
Canada, August 11, 1974), Vol. I, No. 4, 1974.
"An Interview with James Petras on the Change of Government in
Greece," Vol. I, No. 4, 1974.
"An Interview with Kostis Moskoff," Vol. XIV, Nos. 3 8z 4, FallWinter 1987.
"An Interview with Stratis Haviaras," Dan Georgakas, Vol. VIII, No. 4,
Winter 1981.
"Apories (Wonderings)," Alexander Panagoulis, Vol. I, No. 2, 1974.
"Apotropaic and Other Magic Devices in Greek Wedding Rituals,"
George Pilitsis, Vol. XIV, Nos. 3 & 4, Fall-Winter 1987.
"A Preliminary Report about Greek Students Abroad," Jim Koutrelakos,
Vol. 17.1, 1991.
"A Profile of the Junta's New Premier," John Malkasses, Vol. I, No. 1,
1973.
"A Proposal for the Redefinition of the Greek Media Services," Peter
Pappas, Vol. VIII, No. 3, Fall 1981.
"Archival Sources for the History of the Greek American Community:
Problems and Challenges," George Tselos, Vol. XVI, Nos. 1-4,
Spring-Summer-Fall-Winter 1989 (Special Quadruple Issue).
"Are We Going To Talk of Lacaedemonians Now!", a poem by C.
Capri-Katka, Vol. I, No. 2, 1974.
"Arnold Toynbee and the Koraes Chair Controversy," Minas Savvas,
Vol. 17.2, 1991.
"A Straggle Well Worth It," Mel Schuster, Vol. III, No. 2, Summer
1976.
"A Study of Linguistic Differences," Yannis Baslis, Vol. VIII, Nos. 1-2,
Spring-Summer 1981 (Special Double Issue).
"A Survey of Recent Trends in Greek Higher Education," Henry Wasser,
Vol. VI, No. 1, Spring 1979.
"Attilas 1974: Human, Economic, and Political Consequences of the
Turkish Invasion in Cyprus," George A. Kourvetaris, Vol. IV,
No. 3, Fall 1977.
110
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
"Attlee, Bevin and 'A Very Lame Horse': The Dispute Over Greece and
the Middle East, December 1946-January 1947," Thanasis D. Sfikas,
Vol. 18.2, 1992.
"A View of the Junta from the Pulpit," Rev. N. D. Karampelas, Vol. 1,
No. 1, 1973.
"Basic Education Today," Theophrastos Yerou, Vol. VIII, Nos. 1-2,
Spring-Summer 1981 (Special Double Issue).
"Biography: The Poetry of Nasos Vayenas," Vol. VII, No. 4, Spring
1980.
"Book Review Essay," John E. Rexine, Vol. XV, Nos. 3 & 4, Fall-Winter
1988.
"Buildings and Bodies of Greece: A Photoessay," Hillary Liss, Vol. VIII,
No. 4, Winter 1981.
"Can the Vlachs Write Their Own History?", Nicholas S. Balamaci,
Vol. 17.1, 1991.
"Cavafis and his Translators into English," Kimon Friar, Vol. V,
No. 1, Spring 1978.
"Cavafy and the Poetics of Space," Robert Shannan Peckham, Vol. 17.1,
1991.
"Cavafy and the Theatrical Representation of History," Helen Catsaouni,
Vol. X, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer 1983 (Special Double Issue).
"Cavafy's Imminent Threat: Still 'Waiting for the Barbarians,'" Dimitris Dimiroulis, Vol. X, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer 1983 (Special
Double Issue).
"Cavafy's Three-Phase Theatrical Development Into Detachment," Peter
Bien, Vol. X, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer 1983 (Special Double
Issue).
"Certain Features of Higher Education in Greece and the Failure of
the Attempts to Reform It," Kostas Gavroglu, Vol. VIII, Nos.
1-2, Spring-Summer 1981 (Special Double Issue).
"Change and Ideology in the General Lyceum Program (Two Examples)," Babis Noutsos, Vol. VIII, Nos. 1 2, Spring-Summer
1981 (Special Double Issue).
"Christopher Columbus: Kazantzakis's Final Play," Peter Bien, Vol. X,
No. 4, Winter 1983 (Special Issue).
"Congress and Greek American Relations: The Embargo Example,"
Clifford P. Hackett, Vol. XV, Nos. 1 8z 2, Spring-Summer 1988.
"Conjunctural Crisis and Structural Problems in the Greek Merchant
-
Index to Volumes 1 Through 20
111
Marine in the 19th Century: Reaction of the State and Private
Interests," Christos Hatziiossif, Vol. XII, No. 4, Winter 1985.
"Corridor to Murder," Vol. I, No. 3, 1974.
"Creating Contents: Papadiamantis' E Fonissa as an Allegory of Epistemological Treachery," Rebecca Saunders, Vol. 18.1, 1992 (Special
Issue).
"Cyprus—July 1974; Or Acheson's Failure, Kissinger's Success," Van
Coufoudakis, Vol. I, No. 4, 1974.
"Cyprus — 1974 + 3 — A Status Report," Van Coufoudakis, Vol. III,
No. 4, Winter 1976.
"Death in Greece," Melanie Wallace, Vol. XI, No. 1, Spring 1984.
"Dependency, Realignment and Reaction: Movement Toward Civil War
in Greece During the 1940s," Philip Minehan, Vol. X, No. 3,
Fall 1983.
"Dialogue with Poetry: Fourteen Poems by Nikiphoros Vrettakos," Vol.
VI, No. 2, Summer 1979.
"Dis-Information: Its Dialectics and Application," Marios L. Evriviades,
Vol. III, No. 3, Fall 1976.
"Documents: Cyprus, 1950-1954; The Prelude to the Crisis, Part I:
1950," Vol. XV, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer 1988.
"Documents: Cyprus, 1950-1954; The Prelude to the Crisis, Part II: The
View of the United States," Vol. XV, Nos. 3 & 4, Fall-Winter 1988.
"Documents: Dispatches of Lincoln MavVeagh," Yiargos Chouliaras,
and Dan Georgakas, Vol. XII, No. 1, Spring 1985.
"Documents: The Jews in Greece, 1941-1944—Eyewitness Accounts,"
Alexandros Kitroeff, Vol. XII, No. 3, Fall 1985.
"Documents: The O.S.S. and Greek-Americans," Elias Vlanton, Vol. IX,
No. 1, Spring 1982.
"Documents: The O.S.S. and Greek-Americans," Elias Vlanton, Vol. IX,
No.2, Summer 1982.
"Documents: The O.S.S. and Greek-Americans," Elias Vlanton, Vol. IX,
No. 3, Fall 1982.
"Documents: The O.S.S. and Greek-Americans," Elias Vlanton, Vol. IX,
No. 4, Winter 1982.
"Dr. Martin Luther King," Filen Floratou-Paidoussis, Vol. I, No. 2, 1974.
"EEAM: The Workers' Resistance," AngeIos Avgoustidis, Vol. XI, No. 3,
Fall 1984 (Special Issue).
"Eleni Vaka16: Beyond Lyricism," Kimon Friar, Vol. IX, No. 4,
Winter 1982.
112
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
"Eleni Vaka16: Selected Poems," Vol. IX, No. 4, Winter 1St82.
"Elias Petropoulos: A Presentation," John Taylor, Vol. VIII, No. 4,
Winter 1981.
"Epirotika with Periklis Halkias," Steve A. Demakopoulos and Pyrrhus
J. Ruches, Vol. IX, No. 1, Spring 1982.
"Eroticism and Poetry," Margaret Alexiou, Vol. X, Nos. 1 & 2, SpringSummer 1983 (Special Double Issue).
"Excerpts from The Watch'" Nikos Kavaclias, Vol. VII, Nos. 3-4,
Fall-Winter 1980 (Double Issue).
"Foreign Capital in the Mediterranean," Michael Papayianakis, Vol. IV,
No. 2, Summer 1977.
"From Grainmos to Tet: American Intervention in Greece and Beyond,"
Elias Vlanton, Vol. X, No. 3, Fall 1983.
"From Lincolnshire to Zakynthos; Two Greek Poets in England: Andreas
Kalvos and George Seferis," John E. Rexine, Vol. VII, No, 2,
Summer 1980.
"General Observations on Sports in Greece," Panos Argyrakis, Vol. HI,
No. 4, Winter 1976.
"General Papagos and the Anglo-Greek Talks of February 1941," John
S. Koliopoulos, Vol. VII, Nos. 3-4, Fall-Winter 1980 (Double
Issue).
"Georgakas on Greek Americans: A Response," Charles C. Moskos,
Vol. XIV, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer 1987.
"George Theotokas' Free Spirit: Reconfiguring Greect's Path towards
Modernity?", Martha Klironomos, Vol. 18.1 1992 (Special Issue).
"Germany and the Economic Dimensions of the Establishment of the
Metaxas Regime," Mogens Pelt, Vol. 20.2, 1994.
"Germany, Bulgaria, Greece: Their Relations and Bulgarian Policy
in Occupied Greece," Hans-Joachim Hoppe, Vol. XI, No. 3, Fall
1984 (Special Issue).
"Greece and Modernity in Kazantzakis's Prometheus," Panayiotis Bosnakis, Vol. 17.2, 1991.
"Greece and the Balkan Policy of Fascist Italy," Jerzy W. Borejsza, Vol.
XIII, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer 1986.
"Greece and the European Common Market: From Association to Full
Membership," Sp. Papaspiliopoulos, Vol. IV, No. 2, Summer 1977.
index to Volumes 1 Through 20 113
"Greece: Democracy and the Tanks," James F. Petras, Vol. IV, /eIo. 1,
Spring 1977.
"Greece in the Cold War, and Beyond," John 0. Iatrides, Vol. 19.2,
1993 (Special Issue).
"Greece: Portraits and Landscapes" (a photoessay), Niki Tipaldou, Vol.
V. No. 2, Summer 1978.
"Greece: Seven Years of Arbitrariness, John Ksasteriakis, Vol. I, No. 2,
1974.
"Greece Under the Truman and Nixon Doctrines," Theodore A. Coulourabis, Vol. I, Nofl 3, 1974.
"Greek American Attitudes Toward Agnew," Nikos Petropoulos, Vol.
II, No. 3, Fall 1975.
"Greek American Professionals and Entrepreneurs," Yorgos A. Kourvetaris, Vol. XVI, Nos. 1-4, Spring-Summer-Fall-Winter 1989 (Special
Quadruple Issue).
"Greek Economy at a Turning Point: Recent Performance, Current Challenges and Future Prospects," Kenneth Matziccinis, Vol. 19.2, 1993
(Special Issue).
"Greek Education: A Story of Frustrated Reform," Alexis Dimaras,
Vol. VIII, Nos. 1-2, Spring-Summer 1981 (Special Double Issue).
"Greek Immigrant Women in the Intermountain West," Helen Papanikolas, Vol. XVI, Nos. 1-4, Spring-Fall-Winter-Summer 1989 (Special
Quadruple Issue).
"Greek Immigration to Quebec: The Process and the Settlement," Efie
Gavaki, Vol. 1711, 1991.
"Greek McCarthyism: A Comparative Assessment of Greek Post-Civil
War Repressive Anticommunism and the U.S. Truman-McCarthy
Era," Minas Sarnatas, Vol. XIII, Nos. 3 & 4, Fall-Winter 1986.
"Greek Men in a Coffee House in Denver: Five Life Histories," G.
James Patterson, Vol. III, No. 2, Summer 1976.
"Greek Orthodox Church Statistics of the United States, 1949-1989: Some
Ecdesial and Social Patterns," Pities Steve Counelis, Vol. XVI,
Nos. 1-4, Spring-Summer-Fall-Winter 1989 (Special Quadruple
- Issue).
"Greek Policy and Cyprus: An Interpretation," Marios L. Evriviades,
Vol. XIV, Nos. 3 & 4, Fall-Winter 1987.
"Greek Rentier Capital: Dynamic Growth and Industrial Underdevelopment," James Petras, Vol. XI, No. 2, Summer 1984.
"Greek Rural Settlement in Southern Rhodesia, 1890-1930," Evangelos
A. Mantzaris, Vol. VII, No. 1, Spring 1980.
"Greek Socialism: Walking the Tightrope," James Petras, Vol. IX, No. 1,
Spring 1982.
"Greek Tragedy and the Women of Fifth Century Athens," J. Kenneth
MacKinnon, Vol. VII, No. 1, Spring 1980.
"Greek Workers in South Africa: The Case of the Railway Workers and
114
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
the Cigarette-Makers, 19054914," E. A. Mantzaris, Vol. XIV,
Nos. 3 & 4, Fall-Winter 1987.
"Greek Workers in the Intermountain West: The Early Twentieth Century," Helen Papanikolas, Vol. IV, No. 3, Fall 1977.
"Greek Workers Under German Capitalism," William A. Pelz, Vol. H,
No. 3, Fall 1975.
"Greeks in the Ethiopian Court, 1700-1770," Theodore Natsoulas,
Vol. XII, No. 2, Summer 1985.
"Guerrilla Girl," Costas G. Couvaras, Vol. III, No. 1, Spring 1976.
"Heroines of Peace," Dorothy T. Samuel, Vol. II, No. 4, Winter 1975.
"Highlights of a Study of the Mobility and Social Characteristics of the
Greek Population of Bridgeport, Connecticut, 1900-1970," Ourania
H. Tsorvas, Vol. XVI, Nos. 1-4, Spring-Summer-Fall-Winer 1989
(Special Quadruple Issue).
"Homer and Kazantzalcis: Masters of Wordcraft," Peter Colaclides,
Vol. X, No. 4, Winter 1983 (Special Issue).
"Homer, Joyce, Kazantzalcis: Modernism and the Epic Tradition," Morton
P. Levitt, Vol. X, No. 4, Winter 1983 (Special Issue).
"Imagined Communities: The Artistic Ecologies of Mark Hacljipateras,"
Peter Pappas, Vol. 20.2, 1994.
"Imbros and Tenedos: A Study in Turkish Attitudes Toward Two Ethnic
Greek Island Communities Since 1923," Alexis Ale.xandris, Vol. VII,
No. 1, Spring 1980.
"Immigration: A View from the Greek Cultural Association," Vol. H,
No. 2, Summer 1975.
"I Proclaim Good News," Markos Avyeris, Vol. I, No. 3, 1974.
"In Response to the (In)Authentic," Melissa Cefkin, Vol. 18.1, 1992
(Special Issue).
"In the Dialect of the Desert: Selected Poems of Yannis Kondos,"
Vol. IX, No. 2, Summer 1982.
"Individual Rights and State Interests in an Era of Great Power Conflict:
The Demirali Affair, 1855-1856," Gerasimos Augustinos, Vol. IX,
No. 3, Fall 1982.
"Intelligence Report No. 8047: Analysis of the Cyprus Agreements,
July 14, 1959, The Bureau of Intelligence and Research, Department
of State, Vol. XI, No. 4, Winter 1984.
"Interview with Nick Sperakis," Dan Georgakas, Vol. III, No. 1,
Spring 1976.
Index to Volumes I Through 20
115
"Interviews with Five Athenians, Summer 1976," Nikos PetrOpoulos,
Vol. IV, No. 1, Spring 1977.
"Investment in Construction and Postwar Greek Economic Growth: A
Correlation Analysis," Gregory T. Papanikos, Vol. XV, Nos. 3 & 4,
Fall-Winter 1988.
"Is There a Crisis in Marxism?", Nkos Poulantzas, Vol. VI, No. 3,
Fall 1979.
"Joseph Matsas and the Greek Resistance," Steven Bowman, Vol. 17.1,
1991.
"Kazantzakis and Freedom," Helene Kazantzakis, Vol. I, No. 3, 1974.
"Kazantzakis and Music," John G. Papaioannou, Vol. X, No. 4, Winter
1983 (Special Issue).
"Kazantzakis and the Tradition of the Tragic," John P. Anton, Vol. X,
No. 4, Winter 1983 (Special Issue).
"Kazantzakis's Buddha: Phantasmagoria and Struggle," Katerina
Angelaki-Rooke, Vol. X, No. 4, Winter 1983 (Special Issue).
"Kazantzakis's 'Cretan Glance' and his 'Politics of Salvation,'" John E.
Rexine, Vol. IX, No. 1, Spring 1982.
"Kazatzakis's Odyssey: A Modem Rival to Homer, Morton P. Levitt,
Vol. V, No. 2, Summer 1978.
"Kazantzakis-Sikelianos: The Chronicle of a Friendship," Pandelis Prevelakis, Vol. X, No. 4, Winter 1983 (Special Issue).
"Ksespasma" (Outburst), a poem by Alexander Panagoulis, Vol. I,
No. 2, 1974.
"Liberation and the Church in Latin America," Rev. Arthur S. Lloyd,
Vol. II, No. 3, Fall 1975.
"Living the Revolution," Heidi Stroh, Vol. I, No. 4, 1974.
"Lloyd George and Eleftherios Venizelos, 1912-1917," André Gemlymatos, Vol. XV, Nos. 3 & 4, Fall-Winter 1988.
"Love and the Symbolic Journey in Seferis' Mythistorema, C. CapriKarka, Vol. VIII, No. 3, Fall 1981.
"Maintenance and Loss of Traditional Gender Boundaries in Two Greek
Orthodox Communities," Vasilikie Demos, Vol. XVI, Nos. 1-4,
Spring-Summer-Fall-Winter 1989 (Special Quadruple Issue).
116
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
"Makronisos journal," Aphrodite Mavroede, Vol. V, No. 3, Fall 1978
(Special Issue).
"Marx, Lenin and the 'Dictatorship of the Proletariat,'" Andreas G.
Papandreou," Vol. II, No. 4, Winter 1975.
"Memoire on the 'Second Solution,'" Stephen W. Rousseas, Vol. II,
No. 1, Spring 1975.
"Mikis and Manos: A Tale of Two Composers," Nicholas Papandreou,
Vol. 19.1, 1993.
"Mirror Images: The Civil Wars in China and Greece," Amikam
Nachmani, Vol. 19.1, 1993.
"'Modern' Greece in 'Third World,'" Stathis Gotugouris, Vol. 18.1,
1992 (Special Issue).
"Monetary Arrangements and Economic Power in Nineteenth-Century
Greece: The National Bank in the Period of Convertibility (184177)," Stavros B. Thomadakis, Vol. XII, No. 4, Winter 1985.
"Monoculture in Nineteenth-Century Greece and the Port City of Patras,"
Elena Frangakis-Syrett, Vol. 20.2, 1994.
"Mr. John Zigdis' Testimony Before the House Subcommittee on Europe"
(March 27, 1974), Vol. I, No. 3, 1974.
"My Greece," Dino Siotis, Vol. I, No. 3, 1974.
"My 'Unyielding Struggle (Anendotos Agonas)' Began in 1940," Christos
Alexandris, Vol. I, No. 2, 1974.
"Myth and History in Greek Folk Songs Related to the War of Independence," Riki van Boeschoten, Vol. XIII, Nos. 3 & 4, FallWinter 1986.
"Narrating an Ethnic Group," Yiorgos D. Kalogeras, Vol. 18.2, 1992.
"Nations' Rebirth and States' Destruction in the Balkans—Anatomy of
the Crisis in Southeastern Europe," Ioannis Nikolaou, Vol. 19.2,
1993 (Special Issue).
"New Dimensions in the Employment of Foreign Workers," Marios
Nikolinakos, Vol. III, No. 1, Spring 1976.
"New Evidence on Greek Music In the U.S.A.: Spottswood's Ethnic
Music on Records," Ole L. Smith, Vol. 18.2, 1992.
"Night Without Moon: Aspects of the Rebetika," A. A. Fatouros,
Vol. III, No. 4, Winter 1976.
"Notations: A Belated Goodbye to George Valamvanos," Peter Pappas,
Vol. XI, No. 4, Winter 1984.
"Notations: 'New' or 'Old': Orthodoxy in the Limelight," Vassilis
Xydias, Vol. XI, No. 2, Summer 1984.
Index to Volumes I Through 20
117
C)
"Occupational Distribution and Social Mobility of Greek-Canadian Immigrants," Peter D. Chimbos, Vol. XIV, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer
1987.
"Odysseus in Hades: Book XI of Homer's Odyssey," Vol. IX, No. 3,
Fall 1982.
"Odysseus-Moses, or God's Presence in History," J. Moatti-Fine, Vol. X,
No. 4, Winter 1983 (Special Issue).
"On Communism and the Revolution," Mikis Theodorakis, Vol. I, No. 3,
1974.
"On Re-Translating Homer," Herbert Schaumann, Vol. IX, No. 3,
Fall 1982.
"On the Analysis of Social Stratification in Greece," Nicos Mouzelis,
Vol. XI, No. 4, Winter 1984.
"On the Problem of Political Clientelism in Greece in the Nineteenth
Century" (Part One), Constantine Tsoucalas, Vol. V. No. 1,
Spring 1978.
"On the Problem of Political Clientelism in Greece in the Nineteenth
Century" (Part Two), Constantine Tsoucalas, Vol. V, No. 2,
Summer 1978.
"On the Relevance of An Export Promotion Policy in Greece," S.E.G.
Lobos, Vol. XV, Nos. 3 & 4, Fall-Winter 1988.
"Oppression—The Women's Case," Heidi Stroh, Vol. I, No, 1, 1973.
"Orestes," Yannis Ritsos, Vol. XII, No. 1, Spring 1985.
"Parties of the Liberal Center in the Greek Elections of 1981," Nikos
Economou and Thanos Veremis, Vol. XI, No. 4, Winter 1984.
"Pedagogical Research and Modem Greek Education: A Critical Overview of the Recent Greek Pedagogical Bibliography," Babis Noutsos,
Vol. VIII, Nos. 1 2, Spring-Summer 1981 (Special Double Issue).
"Perspectives economiques dans les Balkans: Is cas de la Grece dans une
region en pleine mutation," loannis Philopoulos, Vol. 19.2, 1993
(Special Issue).
"Poetry Selections," Sikelianos, Ritsos and Amar, Vol. II, No. 2, Summer 1975.
"Political Assassinations," John Katris, Vol. III, No. 3, Fall 1976.
"Political Science Looks at Turkey," Irvin Cemil Schik and Ertugrul
Ahmet Tonak, Vol. XII, No. 2, Summer 1985.
"Politics and Contemporary Bulgaria," Nikolay Todorov, Vol. 19.2, 1993
(Special Issue).
"Politics Versus Ideology: The Greek Case," George Anastaplo, Vol. I,
No. 4, 1974.
-
118
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
"Positive and Constructive American Foreign Policy," John Cavarnos,
Vol. II, No. 4, Winter 1975.
"Pre-Election Speech," Vasilis Kaounis, Vol. H, No. 3, Fall 1975.
"Press Review on Greek Developments," Dino Siotis, Vol. II, No. 2,
Summer 1975.
"Prisoners' Rights in Greece: A Comparative Analysis of the Greek
Code of Corrections and the Council of Europe Standards," Nikos
Patouris, Vol. VI, No. 3, Fall 1979.
"'Privileged Moments': Cavafy's Autobiographical Inventions," S. D.
Kapsalis, Vol. X, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer 1983 (Special Double
Issue).
"Problems of Economic History of the Period of Ottoman Domination,"
Spyros I. Asdrachas, Vol. VI, No. 2, Summer 1979.
"Proceedings: 'Studying Greek History Abroad,'" Procopis Papastratis,
Vol. XI, No. 2, Summer 1984.
"Proceedings: The History of the Greek Civil War, 1945-1949,'" Angeliki E. Laiou, Vol. XI, No. 2, Summer 1984.
"Prologue for Action on the Western Front," Nikos Petropoulos, Vol. I,
No. 2, 1974.
"Promoting Human Welfare: Greek Social Policies and the Status of
the Disabled," Aliki Coudroglou, Vol. XII, No. 3, Fall 1985.
"Propaganda in the Greek-American Community" (from the John Poulos
Collection), Vol. XIV, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer 1987.
"Public Health in China: The Technical and Political Synthesis," Richard
C. Kagan, Vol. II, No. 3, Fall 1975.
"Publishing Activity and the Movement of Ideas in Greece," Loukas
Axelos, Vol. XI, No. 2, Summer 1984.
"Rapid Urbanization, Internal Migration and Rural Underdevelopment
in Greece: A Case Study," Vasilikie Demos, Vol. XV, Nos. 3 & 4,
Winter-Fall 1988.
"Reciprocities Between a Text and Two Translations: Thucydides,
Venizelos and ICakridis," Daniel P. Tompkins, Vol. V, No. 1,
Spring 1978.
"Reflections on Chile," Victor Wallis, Vol. I, No. 1, 1973.
"Rehearsal on the East Coast: A Chronicle of Protest Against the Greek
Junta," Bob Ioanides (a pseudonym), Vol. 1, No. 3, 1974.
"Relationships of Creativity to Socioeconomic Status and Grade-Point
Average in Eleven-Year-Old Children," John Marmarinos, Vol. VIII,
Nos. 1-2, Spring-Summer 1981 (Special Double Issue).
"Rentier Capital, Industrial Development, and the Growth of the Greek
Economy in the Postwar Period: A Response to James Petras,"
A. Skouras, Vol XII, No. 1, Spring 1985.
Index to Volumes 1 Through 20 119
"Research in Higher Education," Maria Eliou, Vol. VIII, Nos. 1 2, SpringSummer 1981 (Special Double Issue) .
"Resistance Theater and the German Occupation," Linda S. Myrsiades,
Vol. 17.2, 1991.
"Resisting on 'The Power of Knowledge and the Knowledge of Power,'"
Vassilis Lambropoulos, Vol. X, No. 3, Fall 1983.
"Response to Charles C. Moskos," Dan G-eorgakas, Vol. XIV, Nos. 1 & 2,
Spring-Summer 1987.
"Russia and the Balkans," John Greer Nicholson, Vol. 19.2, 1993
(Special Issue).
-
"Seferis's Turning Point: A Textual Analysis," C. Capri-Karlca, Vol. IX,
No. 2, Summer 1982.
"Shepherds, Brigands, and Irregulars in Nineteenth Century Greece,"
John S. Koliopoulos, Vol. VIII, No. 4, Winter 1981.
"Social Action in the U.S. Greek Diaspora: The Greek Cultural Center
of Chicago," Nikos Petropoulos, Vol. II, No. 4, Winter 1975.
"Some Aspects of 'Over-Education' in Modern Greece," Constantine
Tsoucalas, Vol. VIII, Nos. 1-2, Spring-Summer 1981 (Special Double
Issue).
"Some Economic Aspects of Education," Stephanos Pesmazoglou, Vol.
VIII, Nos. 1-2, Spring-Summer 1981 (Special Double Issue).
"Some Economic Aspects of the Cyprus Problem," George Hadjimatheou,
Vol. XIV, Nos. 3 & 4, Fall-Winter 1987.
"Some Information About Private Education in Greece," Aloe Sideris,
Vol. VIII, Nos. 1 2, Spring-Summer 1981 (Special Double Issue).
"Some Reflections Upon Workers' Self-Management in Yugoslavia,"
Stephen M. Sachs, Vol. IV, No. 1, Spring 1977.
"Songs, Letters, Messages, Broadcasts. . . from the Greek People," Vol. I,
No. 2, 1974.
"Stratis Tsirkas: The Voice from the Cellar, Thomas Doulis, Vol. II,
No. 3, Fall 1975.
-
"Technical and Vocational Education in Greece and the Attitudes of
Greek Youngsters Toward It," Michael Kassotalcis, Vol. VIII, Nos.
1-2, Spring-Summer 1981 (Special Double Issue) .
"The Aegean Crisis in the Spring of 1914, As Seen by Neutral Observers,"
Hagen Fleischer, Vol. XIV, Nos. 3 & 4, Fall-Winter 1987.
"The Alexandria We Have Lost," Alexander ICitroeff, Vol. X, Nos. 1 &
2, Spring-Summer 1983 (Special Double Issue).
120
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
"The 'Anendotos Agonas' of Arthur Burghardt-Banks," John Antonides,
Vol. I, No. 1, 1973.
"The 'Anomalies' in the Greek Middle East Forces, 1941-1944, Hagen
Fleischer, Vol. V, No. 3, Fall 1978 (Special Issue).
"The Army and Politics in Modern Greece" (Review Essay), Nicos
Mouzelis, Vol. VI, No. 2, Summer 1979.
"The Army as an Instrument for Territorial Expansion and for Repression by the State: The Capodistrian Case," Stephanos P. Papageorgiou, Vol. XII, No. 4, Winter 1985.
"The Arrival of the Soviet Military Mission• in July 1944 and KKE
Policy: A Study of Chronology," Lars Baerentzen, Vol. XIII, Nos.
3 & 4, Fall-Winter 1986.
"The Bridge of Arta," C. Capri-Karka, Vol. I, No. 2, 1974.
"The British and the Greek Naval Incident in Chatham, 194,4," David
Syrett, Vol. XV, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer 1988.
"The Borrowing Requirements of the Greek Public Sector: 1844-1869,"
P. E. Petrakis, Vol. XII, No. 4, Winter 1985.
"The Case Against the Monarchy," Anestis Ganotakis, Vol. I, No. 1,
1973.
"The Case for a Treaty Between Greece and the United States on Mutual
Assistance in Connection with Illegal Payments by Multinational
Corporations," Dimitris C. Constas, Vol. IV, No. 4, Winter 1978.
"The Common Market Decision," Marios Nikolinakos, Vol. IV, No. 2,
Summer 1977.
"The Craft and Reality of Antonis Samarakis's The Passport" Andrew
Horton, Vol. VI, No. 3, Fall 1979.
"The Cyprus Episode: Some Lessons from Turkish History," Vahakn
N. Daclrian, Vol. II, No. 1, Spring 1975.
"The Cyprus Question: Dean Acheson as Mediator," Douglas Brinkley,
Vol. XV, Nos. 3 & 4, Fall-Winter 1988.
"The Decline of an Anti-Colonial Tradition: Official Attitudes Toward
Revolutions During the Cold War Years," Athan Theoharis, Vol. W,
No. 3, Fall 1977.
"The Development of Guerrilla Warfare and British Policy Toward
Greece 1943-1944," Andre Gerolymatos, Vol. 17.2, 1991.
"The Dialectic of Intolerance: Ideological Dimensions of Ethnic Conflict,"
Paschalis M. Kitromilides, Vol. VI, No. 4, Winter 1979.
"The Economic Problems Created by the Turkish Invasion of Cyprus,"
Andreas Polemitis, Vol. I, No. 4, 1974.
"The Epitaphies of Yannis Ritsos," Rick M. Newton (translation and
introduction), Vol. XIII, Nos. 1 8z b, Spring-Summer 1976.
"The Flowering of the Poppy," C. Capri-Karka, Vol. I, No. 2, 1974.
"The Greek Army in the Late Forties: Towards an Institutional Autonomy," Nicos C. Alivizatos, Vol. V, No. 3, Fall 1978 (Special
Issue).
Index to Volumes 1 Through 20
121
"The Greek Cinema Today: An Interview with Nikos Panayotopoulos,"
Dan Georgakas and Peter Pappas, Vol. VI, No. 2, Summer 1979.
"The Greek Economy Under the Dictatorship (1967-1974) : An Overview," Vasilis Kafiris," Vol. II, No. 3, Fall 1975.
"The Greek Educational System as it has Developed Since the 1976
Reforms," Theopoula Anthogalidou-Vassilakakis, Vol. VIII, Nos.
1 2, Spring-Summer 1981 (Special Double Issue).
"The Greek Experience: An Introduction," Dan Georgakas and Charles
C. Moskos, Vol. XVI, Nos. 1-4, Spring-Summer-Fall-Winter 1989
(Special Quadruple Issue).
"The Greek Labor Movement and the Bourgeois State, 1910-1920,"
George B. Leon, Vol. IV, No. 4, Winter 1978.
"The Greek Miners in the Transvaal, South Africa: A Sociohistorical
Investigation, 1902-1913," Evangelos A. Mantzaris, Vol. XI, No. 1,
Spring 1984.
"The Greek Seamen's Movement, 1940-1944," Alexander Kitroeff,
Vol. VII, Nos. 3-4, Fall-Winter 1980 (Double Issue).
"The Greek State and Economy During the Pangalos Regime, 19251926," Thanos Veremis, Vol. VII, No. 2, Summer 1980.
"The Greeks In America," Dan Georgakas, Vol. XIV, Nos. 1 & 2,
Spring-Summer 1987.
"The Greeks in Egypt: Ethnicity and Class," Alexandros Kitroeff,
Vol. X, No. 3, Fall 1983.
"The Greeks of Chicago: The Survival of an Ethnic Group Through
Education," Andrew T. Kopan, Vol. XVI, Nos. 1-4, Spring-SummerFall-Winter 1989 (Special Quadruple Issue).
"The Hell of 'Good' Intentions," Marios L. Evriviades, Vol. VI, No. 4,
Winter 1979.
"The Historian Nicos Svoronos and his Relationship to the Historiography
of Modern Greece," Christos Hadziiosif, Vol. 17.2, 1991.
"The History Man," Roderick Beaton, Vol. X, Nos. 1 & 2, SpringSummer 1983 (Special Double Issue).
"The Impasse of Education Reform in Greece: An Introduction," Anna
Frangoudakis, Vol. VIII, Nos. 1 2, Spring-Summer 1981 (Special
Double Issue).
"The Lack of Planning for the Distribution of Income in Greece,"
Theodore C. ICariotis, Vol. I, No. 2, 1974.
"The Last Sunday in March," Christos Kanolis, Vol. I, No. 2, 1974.
"The Latin American Agro-Transformation from Above and Outside
and its Social and Political Implications," James F. Petras, Vol. IV,
No. 4, Winter 1978.
"The Laws Concerning Foreigners from the Perspective of a Social
Worker for Foreign Laborers (Employees)," Georg Albrecht,
Vol. II, No. 2, Summer 1975.
-
-
122
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
"The League for Democracy in Greece and its Archives," Diana Pym
and Marion Sarafis, Vol. XI, No. 2, Summer 1984.
"The Local Press in Nineteenth Century Aetoloalcarnania," Roula Paparouni, Vol. XII, No. 4, Winter 1985.
"The Memoirs and Reports of the British Liaison Officers in Greece,
1942-1944: Problems of Source Value," Ole L. Smith, Vol. XI,
No. 3, Fall 1984 (Special Issue).
"The Military as a Sociopolitical Force in Greece, 1940-1949," Thanos
Veremis and André Gerolymatos, Vol. 17.1, 1991.
"The Modes of Reading; Or Why Interpret? A Search for the Meaning
of 'Imenos,' " Gregory Jusdanis, Vol. X, Nos. 1 8z 2, Spring-Summer
1983 (Special Double Issue).
"The Moskos-Georgaka Debate: A Rejoinder," Alexandros Kitroeff,
Vol. XIV, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer 1987.
"The National Library of Greece: Redefining Its Role and Organization,"
George Skretas, Vol. XII, No. 2, Summer 1985.
"The 'New' American Foreign Policy: A Cypriote Illusion?", George
Gregoriou, Vol. IV, No. 3, Fall 1977.
"The New Educational Policy of the 1976 Reform," Marianna Kondilis,
Vol. VIII, Nos. 1-2, Spring-Summer 1981 (Special Double Issue).
"The 1958 Greek Elections: A Reassessment," Spyros Linardatos, Vol. V,
No. 2, Summer 1978.
"The 1959 Cyprus Agreement: Oracle of Disaster," Elias Vlanton and
Diane Alicia, Vol. XI, No. 4, Winter 1984.
"The 1946 British Parliamentary Delegation to Greece: A Lost Opportunity?", George Maude, Vol. XI, No. 1, Spring 1984.
"The Notion of Millet in Mavrokordatos' Philotheou Parerga and his
Perception of the Enlightened Ottoman Despot," Lambros Kamperidis,
Vol. 18.1, 1992 (Special Issue).
"The Other Aegean," Thomas Doulis, Vol. 20.2, 1994.
"The Participation of the Greek Jews in the National Resistance, 19401944," Joseph Matsas, Vol. 17.1, 1991.
The Passport, Antonis Samarakis, Vol. VI, No. 3, Fall 1979.
"The Photographic Dimension in Some Poems of C. P. Cavafy," Cornelia
A. Tsalciridou, Vol. 17.2, 1991.
"The Plaintiffs Become Defendants: Recent Court Revelations on Nazi
Collaborators," N. Patelos and J. Bamiatzis, Vol. II, No. 1,
Spring 1975.
"The Poet George Seferis and his Greek Critics," John E. Rexine,
Vol. VII, Nos. 3-4, Fall-Winter 1980 (Double Issue).
"The Poetry of Dinos Christianopoulos: An Introduction," Kimon Friar,
Vol. VI, No. 1, Spring 1979.
"The Poetry of Dinos Christianopoulos: A Selection," Vol. VI, No. 1,
Spring 1979.
"The Poetry of Lambros Porphyras: A Selection," Vol. VII, Nos. 3-4,
FaII-Winter 1980 (Double Issue).
Index to Volumes 1 Through 20
123
"The Poetry of Maria Polydouri: A Selection," Vol. V, No. 1,
Spring 1978.
"The Poetry of Nicos Phocas: A Selection," Vol. X, No. 3, Fall 1983.
"The Police in the Fourth-of-August Regime," D. H. Close, Vol XIII,
Nos. 1 8z 2, Spring-Summer 1986.
"The Political. Career of George Christopher," George P. Daskarolis,
Vol. XVI, Nos. 1-4, Spring-Summer-Fall-Winter 1989 (Special
Quadruple Issue).
"The Politics of Hunger: Economic Aid to Greece, 1943-1945," Angeliki
Laiou-Thomadakis, Vol. VII, No. 2, Summer 1980.
"The Populist Phase of an Underdeveloped Surveillance Society: Political Surveillance in Post-Dictatorial Greece," Minas Samatas, Vol.
19.1, 1993.
"The Press of the Greeks in Australia: With Reference to Other Presses
of the Hellenic Diaspora," George Ka.narakis, Vol. 18.2, 1992.
"The Problem of Zachariadis's First Open Letter: A Reappraisal of the
Evidence," Ole L. Smith, Vol. IX, No. 4, Winter 1982.
"The Problems of the Second Plenum of the Central Committee of the
KKE, 1946," Ole L. Smith, Vol. XII, No. 2, Summer 1985.
"The Relentless Postmodern Times of Yannis Ritsos," Nanos Valaoritis,
Vol. 18.2, 1992.
"The Republic of Greece Since Its Declaration: News, Comments and
Proposals for Action," Nicholas P. Petropoulos, Vol. I, No. 1, 1973.
"The Resistance in Evros," Angeliki E. Laiou, Vol. XI, No. 3, Fall
1984 (Special Issue).
"The Role of the Greek Officer Corps in The Resistance," Andre Gerolymatos, Vol. XI, No. 3, Fall 1984 (Special Issue).
"The Roots of British, American, and Yugoslav Policy Toward Greece
in 1944," Joze Pirjevec, Vol. XI, No. 3, Fall 1984 (Special Issue).
"The Second Anniversary of the Polytechnic Massacre," Minas Savvas,
Vol. III, No. 1, Spring 1976.
"The Security Battalions and the Civil War," André Gerolymatos, Vol.
XII, No. 1, Spring 1985.
"The Situation of the Greek Workers in Germany," Gerhard Ahl Vol.
II, No. 2, Summer 1975.
"The Socially Committed Sikelianos, 1941-1951," Thanasis Maskaleris,
Vol. II, No. 2, Summer 1975.
"The Struggle for a Living," Babis Malafouris, Vol. XIV, Nos. 1 & 2,
Spring-Summer 1987.
"The Struggle for Democracy Has Just Begun," Stas Margaronis, Vol.
II, No. 2, Summer 1975.
"The Struggle for Greek Theater in Post-Independence Greece," Linda
Suny Myrsiades, Vol. VII, No. 1, Spring 1980.
"The Successors," Vangelis Katsanis, Vol. VI, No. 4, Winter 1979.
"The Supranational Nature of European Institutions and the Sovereignty
124
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
of the EEC Member States," Xenophon Yataganas, Vol. VII, Nos.
3-4, Fall-Winter 1980 (Double Issue).
"The Tendency Toward Learning in the Greek Countryside," Maria
Nassiakou, Vol. VIII, Nos. 1 2, Spring Summer 1981 (Special
Double Issue).
—The Theodore Saloutos Collection: A Summary and an Assessment,"
Louise Martin, Vol. XVI, Nos. 1-4, Spring-Summer-Fall-Winter
1989 (Special Quadruple Issue).
"The Tragedy of Cyprus—A Kissinger Folly," George C. Vournas,
Vol. I, No. 4, 1974.
"The Turkish Aid Ban: Review and Assessment," A. A. Fatouros,
Vol. III, No. 2, Summer 1976.
"The United States and the Greek Dictatorship: A Summary of Support," Phyllis R. Craig, Vol. III, No. 4, Winter 1976.
"The United States and the Operational Responsibilities of the Greek
Armed Forces, 1947-1987," Yiannis P. Roubatis, Vol. VI, No. 1,
Spring 1979.
"The United States in Chile: The CIA Confessions," Victor Wallis,
Vol. I, No. 4, 1974.
"The Violent Power of Knowledge: The Struggle of Critical Discourses
for Domination Over Cavafy's 'Young Men of Sidon, A.D. 400,'"
Vassilis Lambropoulos, Vol. X, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer 1983
(Special Double Issue).
"The Vision of Freedom in Greek Society," Pa.schalis M. Kitromilides,
Vol. 19.1, 1993.
"This Is the Polytechnic," Vol. I, No. 3, 1974.
"Three Phases of Uzbek Modernism: Jadidist, Stalinist, and Post-Soviet,"
Russell Zanca, Vol. 18.1, 1992 (Special Issue).
"To Be a Writer in Greece: A Discussion with Vasilis Vasilikos," Dan
Georgakas and Peter Pappas, Vol. VII, Nos. 3-4, Fall-Winter 1980
(Double Issue).
"'Too Weighty a Weapon': Britain and the Greek Security Battalions,
1943-1944," John Louis Hondros, Vol. XV, Nos. 1 8z 2, SpringSummer 1988.
"Torture in Greece: The Shock of Recognition," Minas Savvas, Vol. II,
No. 4, Winter 1975.
"Torture: Today, Greece; Tomorrow ... ?", Steve Hantzis, Vol. I, No. 2,
1974.
"Toward a Culture of Freedom: Memorial for Polytechnic Students,
November 17, 1974," Nikos Petropoulos, Vol. II, No. 1, Spring
1975.
"Toward Greek American Studies," Dan Georgakas, Vol. XVI, Nos. 1-4,
Spring-Summer-Fall-Winter (Special Quadruple Issue).
"Turkish Coffee in Greece," Elias Petropoulos, Vol. IX, No. 4, Winter
1982.
-
Index to Volumes 1 Through 20
-
125
V
"Varieties of Interface in the Greek Immigrant Novel," Alexander Karanikas, Vol. XVI, Nos. 1-4, Spring-Summer-Fall-Winter 1989 (Special
Quadruple Issue).
"Venizelos and the Jewish Community of Salonika, 1912-1919," Rena
Molho, Vol. XIII, Nos. 3 & 4, Fall-Winter 1986.
"Westernizing the Exotic: Incorporation and A Green Line Around A
Non-Space," Vangelis Calotychos, Vol. 18.2, 1992.
"Why Caramanlis Won the Elections in Greece," Eleni Paidoussi, Vol.
II, No. 1, Spring 1975.
"Workers' Self-Management: A Proposal for Improving the Quality of
Life in Greece," Stephen M. Sachs, Vol. II, No. 1, Spring 1975.
"World Conference of Solidarity with Cyprus for the Implementation
of U.N. Resolutions on Cyprus," Vol. III, No. 4, Winter 1976.
"Yiannes: The Development of a Political Aesthetic," Peter Pappas,
Vol. III, No. 3, Fall 1976.
"Yannis Ritsos: A Selection from the Forties," Vol. V, No. 3, Fall
1978 (Special Issue).
"Yannis Ritsos And Greek Resistance Poetry," Kostas Myrsiades, Vol. V,
No. 3, Fall 1978 (Special Issue).
126
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
AUTHORS
A
Gerhard Ahl, "The Situation of the Greek Workers in Germany," Vol. II,
No. 2, Summer 1975.
Georg Albrecht, "The Laws Concerning Foreigners from the Perspective
of a Social Worker for Foreign Laborers (Employees)," Vol. II,
No. 2, Summer 1975.
Alexis Alexandris, "Imbros and Tenedos: A Study in Turkish Attitudes
Toward Two Ethnic Greek Island Communities Since 1923,"
Vol. VII, No. 1, Spring 1980.
Christos Alexandris, "My Unyielding Struggle (Anendotos Agonas)
Began in 1940," Vol. I, No. 2, 1974.
Margaret Alexiou, "Eroticism and Poetry," Vol. X, Nos. 1 & 2, SpringSummer 1983 (Special Double Issue).
Diane Alicia and Elias Vlanton, "The 1959 Cyprus Agreement: Oracle
of Disaster," Vol. XI, No. 4, Winter 1984.
Nicos C. Alivizatos, "The Greek Army in the Late Forties: Towards an
Institutional Autonomy," Vol. V, No. 3, Fall 1978 (Special Issue).
Michael Mark Amen, "American Institutional Penetration into Greek
Military and Political Policymaking Structures: June 1947-October
1949," Vol. V, No. 3, Fall 1978 (Special Issue) .
George Anastaplo, "Politics Versus Ideology: The Greek Case," Vol. I,
No. 4, 1974.
Katerina Rooke-Angelaki, "Kazantzakis's Buddha: Phantasmagoria and
Struggle," Vol. X, No. 4, Winter 1983 (Special Issue).
Theopoula Anthogalidou-Vassilakakis, "The Greek Educational System
as it has Developed Since the 1976 Reforms," Vol. VIII, Nos. 1-2,
Spring-Summer 1981 (Special Double Issue).
John P. Anton, "Kazantzakis and the Tradition of the Tragic," Vol. X,
No. 4, Winter 1983 (Special Issue).
John Antonides, "The 'Anendotos Agonas' of Arthur Burghardt-Banks,"
Vol. I, No. 1, 1973.
Panos Argyrakis, "General Observations on Sports in Greece," Vol. III,
No. 4, Winter 1976.
Spyros I. Asdrachas, "Problems of Economic History of the Period of
Ottoman Domination," Vol. VI, No. 2, Summer 1979.
Gerasimos Augustinos, "Individual Rights and State Interests in an Era
of Great Power Conflict: The Demirali Affair, 1855-1856," Vol. IX,
No. 3, Fall 1982.
Angelos Avgoustidis, "EEAM: The Workers' Resistance," Vol. XI, No. 3,
Fall 1984 (Special Issue).
Markos Avyieris, "I Proclaim Good News," Vol. I, No. 3, 1974.
Loukas Axelos, "Publishing Activity and the Movement of Ideas in
Greece," Vol. XI, No. 2, Summer 1984.
Index to Volumes 1 Through 20
127
Lars Baerentzen, "The Arrival of the Soviet Military Mission in July
1944 and KKE Policy: A Study of Chronology," Vol. XIII, Nos.
3 & 4, Fall-Winter 1986.
Nicholas S. Balamaci, "Albania in the 1990s: A Travel Memoir and
Oral History," Vol. 19.2, 1993 (Special Issue).
Nicholas S. Balamaci, "Can the Vlachs Write Their Own History?",
Vol. 17.1, 1991.
J. Bamiatzis, N. Patelos, "The Plaintiffs Become Defendants: Recent
Court Revelations on Nazi Collaborators," Vol. II, No. 1, Spring
1975.
Yannis Baslis, "A Study of Linguistic Differences," Vol. VIII, Nos. 1-2,
Spring-Summer 1981 (Special Double Issue).
Roderick Beaton, "Against "The Violent Power of Knowledge,'" Vol. X,
No. 3, Fall 1983.
Roderick Beaton, "The History Man," Vol. X, Nos. 1 & 2, SpringSummer 1983 (Special Double Issue).
Peter Bien, "Cavafy's Three-Phase Development Into Detachment," Vol.
X, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer 1983 (Special Double Issue).
Peter Bien, "Christopher Columbus: Kazantzakis's Final Play," Vol. X,
No. 4, Winter 1983 (Special Issue).
Riki van Boeschoten, "Myth and History in Greek Folk Songs Related
to the War of Independence," Vol. XIII, Nos. 3 & 4, Fall-Winter
1986.
Jerzy W. Borejsza, "Greece and the Balkan Policy of Fascist Italy, 19361940," Vol. XIII, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer 1986.
Panayiotis Bosnakis, "Greece and Modernity in Kazantzakis's Prometheus,"
Vol. 17.2, 1991.
Steven Bowman, "Joseph Matsas and the Greek Resistance," Vol. 17.1, '91.
Douglas Brinkley, "The Cyprus Question: Dean Acheson as Mediator,"
Vol. XV, Nos. 3 & 4, Fall-Winter 1988.
Alison Cadbury, "Against Return: Genre and Politics in Elias Venezia'
Aeolian Earth," Vol. 18.1, 1992 (Special Issue).
Vangelis Calotychos, "Westernizing the Exotic: Incorporation and A
Green Line Around A Non-Space," Vol. 18.2, 1992.
Anestis Ganotakis, "The Case Against Monarchy," Vol. I, No. 1, 1973.
Helen Catsaouni, "Cavafy and the Theatrical Representation of History,"
Vol. X, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer 1983 (Special Double Issue).
C. Capri-Karka, a poem, "Are We Going To Talk of Lacaedemonians
Now!", Vol. 1, No. 2, 1974.
C. Capri-Karka, "Love and the Symbolic Journey in Seferis' Mythistorema," Vol. VIII, No. 3, Fall 1981.
C. Capri-Karka, "Seferis's Turning Point: A Textual Analysis," Vol. IX,
No. 2, Summer 1982.
128
JOURNAL OP THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
C. Capri-Karka, "The Bridge of Arta," Vol. I, No. 2, 1974.
C. Capri-Karka, "The Flowering of the Poppy," Vol. I, No. 2, 1974.
John Cavarnos, "Positive and Constructive Foreign Policy," Vol. II, No. 4,
Winter 1975.
Melissa Cefkin, "In Response to the (In) Authentic," Vol. 18.1, 1992
Vol. 18.2, 1992.
Peter D. Chimbos, "Occupational Distribution and Social Mobility of
Greek-Canadian Immigrants," Vol. XIV, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer
1987.
Yiorgos Chouliaras and Dan Georgakas, "Documents: Dispatches of
Lincoln MacVeagh," Vol. XII, No. 1, Spring 1985.
D. H. Close, "The Police in the Fourth-of-August Regime," Vol. XIII,
Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer 1986.
Peter CoIaclides, "Homer and Kazantzalcis: Masters of Wordcraft,"
Vol. X, No. 4, Winter 1983 (Special Issue).
Dimitris C. Constas, "The Case for a Treaty Between Greece and the
United States on Mutual Assistance in Connection with Illegal
Payments by Multinational Corporations," Vol. IV, No. 4,
Winter 1978.
Aliki Coudroglou, "Promoting Human Welfare: Greek Social Policies
and the Status of the Disabled," Xol. XII, No. 3, Fall 1985.
Van Coufoudakis, "Cyprus—July 1974; Or Acheson's Failure, Kissinger's
Success, Vol. I, No. 4, 1974.
Van Coufoudakis, "Cyprus — 1974 + 3 — A Status Report," Vol. III,
No. 4, Winter 1976.
Theodore A. Couloumbis, "Greece Under the Truman and Nixon
Doctrines," Vol. I, No. 3, 1974.
James Steve Counelis, "Greek Orthodox Statistics of the United States,
1949-1989: Some Ecclesial and Social Patterns," Vol. XVI, Nos. 1-4,
Spring-Summer-Fall-Winter 1989 (Special Quadruple Issue).
Costas G. Couvaras, "Guerrilla Girl," Vol. III, No. 1, Spring 1976.
Phyllis R. Craig, "The United States and the Greek Dictatorship: A
Summary of Support," Vol. III, No. 4, Winter 1976.
Vahalm N. Dadrian, "The Cyprus Episode: Some Lessons from Turkish
History," Vol. II, No. 1, Spring 1975.
George P. Daskarolis, "The Political Career of George Christopher,"
Vol. XVI, Nos. 1-4, Spring-Summer-Fall-Winter 1989 (Special
Quadruple Issue).
Steve A. Dernakopoulos and Pyrrhus J. Ruches, "Epirotika with Periklis
Halkias," Vol. IX, No. 1, Spring 1982.
Vasilikie Demos, "Maintenance and Loss of Traditional Gender Boundaries in Two Greek Orthodox Communities," Vol. XVI, Nos. 1-4,
Spring-Summer-Fall-Winter 1989 (Special Quadruple Issue).
Index to Volumes 1 Through 20
129
Vasilikie Demos, "Rapid Urbanization, Internal Migration and Rural
Underdevelopment in Greece: A Case Study," Vol. XV, Nos. 3 & 4,
Fall-Winter 1988.
Alexis Dirna.ras, "Greek Education: A Story of Frustrated Reform,"
Vol. VIII, Nos. 1-2, Spring-Summer 1981 (Special Double Issue).
Dimitris Dimiroulis, "Cavafy's Imminent Threat: Still Waiting for
the Barbarians,'" Vol. X, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer 1983 (Special
Double Issue).
Thomas Doulis, "Stratis Tsirkas: The Voice from the Cellar," Vol. II,
No. 3, Fall 1975.
Thomas Doulis, "The Other Aegean," Vol. 20.2, 1994.
Nikos Economou and Thanos Veremis, "Parties of the Liberal Center
in the Greek Elections of 1981," Vol. XI, No. 4, Winter 1984.
Maria Eliou, "Research in Higher Education," Vol. VIII, Nos. 1-2,
Spring-Summer 1981 (Special Double Issue).
Marios L. Evriviades, "Dis-Information: Its Dialectics and Application,"
Vol. III, No, 3, Fall 1976.
Ma.rios L. Evriviades, "Greek Policy and Cyprus: An Interpretation,"
Vol. XIV, Nos. 3 8z 4, Fall-Winter 1987.
Marios L. Evriviades, "The Hell of 'Good' Intentions," Vol. VI, Nol 4,
Winter 1979.
A. A. Fatouros, "Night Without Moon: Aspects of the Rebetika,"
Vol. III, No. 4, Winter 1976.
A. A. Fatouros, "The Turkish Aid Ban: Review and Assessment," Vol.
III, No. 2, Sumnadr 1976.
Hagen Fleischer, "The Aegean Crisis in the Spring of 1914, As Seen by
Neutral Observers," Vol. XIV, Nos. 3 & 4, Fall-Winter 1987.
Hagen Fleischer, "The `Anomalies' in the Greek Middle East Forces,
1941-1944," Vol. V, No. 3, Fall 1978 (Special Issue).
Eleni Floratou-Paidoussis, "Dr. Martin Luther King," Vol. I, No. 2,
1974.
Elena Syrett-Frangakis, "Monoculture in Nineteenth-Century Greece and
the Port City of Patras," Vol. 20.2, 1994.
Anna Frangoudakis, "The Impasse of Educational Reform in Greece:
An Introduction," Vol. VIII, Nos. 1-2, Spring-Summer 1981
(Special Double Issue).
Kimon Friar, "Cavafis and his Translators into English," Vol. V, No. 1,
Spring 1978.
130
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
Kirnon Friar, "Eleni Vakal6: Beyond Lyricism," Vol. IX, No. 4, Winter
1982.
Kimon Friar, "The Poetry of Dinos Christianopoulos, An Introduction,"
Vol. VI, No. 1, Spring 1979.
Efie Gavaki, "Greek Immigration to Quebec: The Process and the
Settlement," Vol. 17.1, 1991.
Kostas Gavroglu, "Certain Features of Higher Education in Greece and
the Failure of the Attempts to Reform It," Vol. VIII, Nos. 1 2,
Spring-Summer 1981 (Special Double Issue).
Dan Georgakas, "Alexis Lykiard," Vol. IV, No. 4, Winter 1978.
Dan Georgakas, "An Interview with Stratis Haviaras," Vol. VIII, No. 4,
Winter 1981.
Dan Georgakas, "Interview with Nick Sperakis," Vol. III, No. 1, Spring
1976.
Dan Georgakas, "Response to Charles C. Moskos," Vol. XIV, Nos. 1 & 2,
Spring-Summer 1987.
Dan Georgakas, "The Greeks In America," Vol. XIV, Nos. 1 & 2,
Spring-Summer 1987.
Dan Georgakas, "Toward Greek American Studies," Vol. XVI, Nos. 1-4,
Spring-Summer-Fall-Winter 1989 (Special Quadruple Issue).
Dan Georgakas and Yiorgos Chouliaras, "Documents: Dispatches of
Lincoln MacVeagh," Vol. XII, No. 1, Spring 1985.
Dan Georgakas and Charles C. Moskos, "The Greek Experience: An
Introduction," Vol. XVI, Nos. 1-4, Spring-Summer-Fall-Winter 1989
(Special Quadruple Issue).
Dan Georgakas and Peter Pappas, "The Greek Cinema Today: An
Interview with Nikos Panayotopoulos," Vol. VI, No. 2, Summer
1979.
Dan Georgakas and Peter Pappas, "To Be a Writer in Greece: A Discussion with Vasilis Vasilikos," Vol. VII, Nos. 3-4, Fall-Winter
1980 (Double Issue).
Andre Gerolymatos, "Lloyd George and Eleftherios Venizelos, 19121917," Vol. XV, Nos. 3 & 4, Fall-Winter 1988.
Andre Gerolymatos, "The Development of Guerrilla Warfare and British
Policy Toward Greece 1943-1944," Vol. 17.2, 1991.
Andre Gerolymatos, "The Role of the Greek Officer Corps in The
Resistance," Vol. XI, No. 3, Fall 1984 (Special Issue).
André Gerolynnatos, "The Security Battalions and the Civil War," Vol.
XII, No. 1, Spring 1985.
André Gerolymatos and Thanos Veremis, "The Military as a Sociopolitical
Force in Greece, 1940-1949," Vol. 17.1, 1991.
Stathis Gourgouris, "'Modern' Greece in the 'Third World,'" Vol. 18.1,
1992 (Special Issue).
-
Index to Volumes 1 Through 20
131
Roger Green, "A Frank Says `Thank You' to Nikos Kazantzakis," Vol. X,
No. 4, Winter 1983 (Special Issue).
George Gregoriou, "The 'New' American Foreign Policy: A Cypriote
Illusion?", Vol. IV, No, 3, Fall 1977.
Clifford P. Hackett, "Congress and Greek American Relations: The
Embargo Example," Vol. XV, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer 1988.
George Hadjimatheou, "Some Economic Aspects of the Cyprus Problem,"
Vol. XIV, Nos. 3 8z 4, Fall-Winter 1987.
Christos Hadziiosif, "The Historian Nicos Svoronos and his Relationship
to the Historiography of Modern Greece," Vol. 17.2, 1991.
Steve Hantzis, "Torture: Today, Greece; Tomorrow....?", Vol. I, No. 2,
1974.
Christos Hatziiossif, "Conjunctural Crisis and Structural Problems in the
Greek Merchant Marine in the 19th Century: Reaction of the State
and Private Interests," Vol. XII, No. 4, Winter 1985.
Peter Hoffman, "Alexander, Berthold, and Claus Graf Stauffenberg, The
Stefan George Circle, and Greece: Background to the Plot Against
Hitler," Vol. XI, No. 3, Fall 1984 (Speri21 Issue).
John Louis Hondros, "'Too Weighty a Weapon': Britain and the
Greek Security Battalions, 1943-1944," Vol. XV, Nos. 1 & 2,
Spring-Summer 1988.
Hans-Joachim Hoppe, "Germany, Bulgaria, Greece: Their Relations and
Bulgarian Policy in Occupied Greece," Vol. XI, No. 3, Fall 1984
(Special Issue).
Andrew Horton, "The Craft and Reality of Antonis Samarakis's The
Passport" Vol. VI, No. 3, Fall 1979.
John 0. Iatrides, "Greece in the Cold War, and Beyond," Vol. 19.2,
1993 (Special Issue).
Bob Ioanides (a pseudonym), "Rehearsal on the East Coast: A Chronicle
of Protest Against the Greek Junta," Vol. I, No. 3, 1974.
Johannes Irmcher, "Academic Links Between Berlin University and
Fascist Greece," Vol. XIII, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer 1986.
Gregory Jusdanis, "The Modes of Reading; Or Why Interpret? A Search
for the Meaning of 'Imenos,' " Vol. X, Nos. 1 & 2, SpringSummer 1983 (Special Double Issue).
132
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
Vasilis Kafiris, "The Greek Economy Under the Dictatorship (19671974) : An Overview," Vol. II, No. 3, Fall 1975.
Richard C. Kagan, "Public Health in China: The Technical and Political
Synthesis," Vol. II, No. 3, Fall 1975.
Yiorgos D. Kalogeras, "Narrating an Ethnic Group," Vol. 18.2, 1992.
George Ka.naralcis, "The Press of the Greeks in Australia: With Reference
to Other Presses of the Hellenic Diaspora," Vol. 18.2, 1992.
Christos Kanolis, "The Last Sunday in March," Vol. I, No. 2, 1974.
Lambros Kamperidis, "The Notion of Millet in Mavrokordatos' Philotheou
Parerga and his Perception of the Enlightened Ottoman Despot,"
Vol. 18.1, 1992 (Special Issue).
Vasilis Kaounis, "Pre-Election Speech," Vol. II, No. 3, Fall 1975.
S. D. Kapsalis, " Privileged Moments': Cavafy's Autobiographical Inventions," Vol. X, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer 1983 (Special Double
Issue) .
Rev. N. D. Karampelas, "A View of the Junta from the Pulpit," Vol. I,
No. 1, 1973.
Alexander Kara.nikas, "Varieties of Interface in the Greek Immigrant
Novel," Vol. XVI, Nos. 1-4, Spring-Summer-Fall-Winter 1989
(Special Quadruple Issue).
Theodore C. Kariotis, "American Economic Penetration of Greece in
the Late Nineteen Forties," Vol. VI, No. 4, Winter 1979.
Theodore C. Kariotis, "The Lack of Planning for the Distribution of
Income in Greece," Vol. I, No. 2, 1974.
Marina Kasdaglis and Peter Pappas, "A Discussion with Theodoros
Stamos," Vol. IX, No. 4, Winter 1982.
Michael Kassotakis, "Technical and Vocational Education in Greece and
the Attitudes of Greek Youngsters Toward It," Vol. VIII, Nos. 1-2,
Spring-Summer 1981 (Special Double Issue).
Vangelis Katsanis, "The Successors," Vol. VI, No. 4, Winter 1979.
John Katris, "Political Assassinations," Vol. III, No. 3, Fall 1976.
Nikos Kavadias, "Excerpts from 'The Watch,'" Vol. VII, Nos. 3-4,
Fall-Winter 1980 (Double Issue).
Helene Kazantzakis, "Kazantzakis and Freedom," Vol. I, No. 3, 1974.
Alexander Kitroeff, "A Divided Land: Greece in the Nineteen Forties,"
Vol. IX, No. 2, Summer 1982.
Alexandros Kitroeff, "Documents: The Jews in Greece, 1941-1944-Eyewitness Accounts," Vol. XII, No. 3, Fall 1985.
Alexander Kitroeff, "The Alexandria We Have Lost," Vol. X, Nos. 1 &
2, Spring-Summer 1983 (Special Double Issue) .
Alexander Kitroeff, "The Greek Seamen's Movement, 1940-1944,"
Vol. VII, Nos. 3-4, Fall-Winter 1980 (Double Issue).
Alexandros Kitroeff, "The Greeks in Egypt: Ethnicity and Class," Vol. X,
No. 3, Fall 1983.
Index to Volumes 1 Through 20
133
Alexandros Kitroeff, "The Moskos-Georgakas Debate: A Rejoinder,"
Vol. XIV, Nos. 1 8z 2, Spring-Summer 1987.
Paschalis M. ICitromilides, "The Dialectic of Intolerance: Ideological
Dimensions of Ethnic Conflict," Vol. VI, No. 4, Winter 1979.
Paschalis M. Kitromilides, "The Vision of Freedom in Greek Society,"
Vol. 19.1, 1993.
Martha Klironomos, "George Theotokas' Free Spirit: Reconfiguring
Greece's Path towards Modernity?", Vol. 18.1, 1992 (Special Issue).
John S. Koliopoulos, "General Papagos and the Anglo-Greek Talks of
February 1941," Vol. VII, Nos. 3-4, Fall-Winter 1980 (Double
Issue).
John S. Koliopoulos, "Shepherds, Brigands, and Irregulars in Nineteenth
Century Greece," Vol. VIII, No. 4, Winter 1981.
Marianna Kondilis, "The New Educational Policy of the 1976 Reform,"
Vol. VIII, Nos. 1-2, Spring-Summer 1981 (Special Double Issue).
Andrew T. Kopan, "The Survival of an Ethnic Group Through Education," Vol. XVI, Nos. 1-4, Spring-Summer-Fall-Winter 1989
(Special Quadruple Issue).
George A. Kourvetaris, "Attilas 1974: Human, Economic, and Political
Consequences of the Turkish Invasion of Cyprus," Vol. IV, No. 3,
Fall 1977.
Yorgos A. Kourvetaris, "Greek American Professionals and Entrepreneurs," Vol. XVI, Nos. 1-4, Spring-Summer-Fall-Winter 1989
(Special Quadruple Issue).
Jim Koutrelakos, "A Preliminary Report about Greek Students Abroad,"
Vol. 17.1, 1991.
John Ksasteriakis, "Greece: Seven Years of Arbitrariness," Vol. I, No. 2,
1974.
Angeliki E Laiou, "Proceedings: 'The History of the Greek Civil War,
1945-1949; " Vol. XI, No. 2, Summer 1984.
Angeliki E. Laiou, "The Resistance in Evros," Vol. XI, No. 3, Fall
1984 Special Issue).
Angeliki Laiou-Thomadakis, "The Politics of Hunger: Economic Aid to
Greece, 1943-1945," Vol. VII, No. 2, Summer 1980.
Vassilis Lambropoulos, "Resisting on 'The Power of Knowledge and the
Knowledge of Power,'" Vol. X, No. 3, Fall 1983.
Vassilis Lambropoulos, "The Violent Power of Knowledge: The Struggle
of Critical Discourses for Domination Over Cavafy's 'Young Men
of Sidon, A.D. 400,'" Vol. X, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer 1983
George B. Leon, "The Greek Labor Movement and the Bourgeois
State, 1910-1920," Vol. IV, No. 4, Winter 1978.
134
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
Morton P. Levitt, "Homer, Joyce, Kazani2akis: Ivfodemism and the
Epic Tradition," Vol. X, No. 4, Winter 1983 (Special Issue).
Morton P. Levitt, "Kazantzakis's Odyssey: A Modern Rival to Homer,"
Vol. V, No. 2, Summer 1978.
Spyros Linardatos, "The 1958 Greek Elections: A Reassessment," Vol. V,
No. 2, Summer 1978.
Hillary Liss, "Buildings and Bodies of Greece: A Photoessay," Vol. VIII,
No. 4, Winter 1981.
Rev. Arthur S. Lloyd, "Liberation and the Church in Latin America,"
Vol. II, No. 3, Fall 1975.
S.E.G. Lobos, "On the Relevance of An Export Promotion Policy in
Greece," Vol. XV, Nos. 3 & 4, Fall-Winter 1988.
J. Kenneth MacKinnon, "Greek Tragedy and the Women of Fifth
Century Athens," Vol. VII, No. 1, Spring 1980.
Babis Malafouris, "The Struggle for a Living," Vol. XIV, Nos. 1 & 2,
Spring-Summer 1987.
John Malakasses, "A Profile of the Junta's New Premier," Vol. I, No. 1,
1973.
Evangelos A. Mantzaris, "Greek Rural Settlement in Southern Rhodesia
1890-1930," Vol. VII, No. 1, Spring 1980.
Evangelos A. Mantzaris, "Greek Workers in South Africa: The Case of the
Railway Workers and the Cigarette-Makers, 1905-1914," Vol. XIV,
Nos. 3 & 4, Fall-Winter 1987.
Evangelos A. Mantzaris, "The Greek Miners in the Transvaal, South
Africa: A Sociohistorical Investigation, 1902-1913," Vol. XI, No. 1,
Spring 1984.
Stas Margaronis, "The Struggle for Democracy Has Just Begun," Vol. II,
No. 2, Summer 1975.
John Marmarinos, "Relationships of Creativity to Socioeconomic Status
and Grade-Point Average in Eleven-Year-Old Children," Vol. VIII,
Nos. 1-2, Spring-Summer 1981 (Special Double Issue).
Louise Martin, "The Theodore Saloutos Collection: A Summary and an
Assessment," Vol. XVI, Nos. 1-4, Spring-Summer-Fall-Winter 1989
(Special Quadruple Issue).
Thanasis Maskaleris, "The Socially Committed Sikelianos, 1941-1951,"
Vol. II, No. 2, Summer 1975.
Joseph Matsas, "The Participation of the Greek Jews in the Natiana
Resistance, 1940-1944," Vol. 17.1, 1991.
Kenneth Matziorinis, "Greek Economy at a Turning Point: Recent
Performance, Current Challenges and Future Prospects," Vol. 19.2,
1993 (Special Issue).
Index to Volumes 1 Through 20
135
George Maude, "The 1946 British Parliamentary Delegation to Greece:
A Lost Opportunity?", Vol. XI, No. 1, Spring 1984.
Aphrodite Mavroede, "Makronisos Journal," Vol. V. No. 3, Fall 1978
(Special Issue).
Philip Minehan, "Dependency, Realignment and Reaction: Movement
Toward Civil War in Greece During the 1940s," Vol. X, No. 3,
Fall 1983.
J. Moatti-Fine, "Odysseus-Moses, or God's Presence in History," Vol. X,
No. 4, Winter 1983 (Special Issue).
Rena Molho, "Venizelos and the Jewish Community of Salonika, 19121919," Vol. XIII, Nos. 3 & 4, Fall-Winter 1986.
Charles C. Moskos, "Georgakas on Greek Americans: A Response," Vol.
XIV, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer 1987.
Charles C. Moskos and Dan Georgakas, "The Greek Experience: An
Introduction," Vol. XVI, Nos. 1-4, Spring-Summer-Fall-Winter 1989
(Special Quadruple Issue).
Nicos Mouzelis, "On the Analysis of Social Stratification in Greece,"
Vol. XI, No. 4, Winter 1984.
Nicos Mouzelis, "The Army and Politics in Modern Greece" (Review
Essay), Vol. VI, No. 2, Summer 1979.
Kostas Myrsiades, "Yannis Ritsos And Greek Resistance Poetry," Vol. V,
No. 3, Fall 1978 (Special Issue).
Linda S. Myrsiades, "Resistance Theater and the German Occupation,"
Vol. 17.2, 1991.
Linda S. Myrsiades, "The Struggle for Greek Theater in Post-Independence Greece," Vol. VII, No. 1, Spring 1980.
Amikam Nathmani, "Mirror Images: The Civil Wars in China and
Greece," Vol. 19.1, 1993.
Maria Nassiakou, "The Tendency Toward Learning in the Greek Countryside," Vol. VIII, Nos. 1-2, Spring-Summer 1981 (Special Double
Issue).
Theodore Natsoulas, "Greeks in the Ethiopian Court, 1700-1770," Vol.
XII, No. 2, Summer 1985.
Rick M. Newton, "The Epitaphic): of Yannis Ritsos," (translation and
introduction), Vol. XIII, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer 1986.
John Greer Nicholson, "Russia and the Balkans," Vol. 19.2, 1993 (Special
Issue).
Ioannis Nikolace, "Nations' Rebirth and States' Destruction in the
Balkans—Anatomy of the Crisis in Southeastern Europe, Vol. 19.2,
1993 (Special Issue).
Marios Nikolinakos, "New Dimensions in the Employment of Foreign
Workers," Vol. III, No. 1, Spring 1976.
136
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
Marios Nikolinakos, "The Common Market Decision," Vol. IV, No. 2,
Summer 1977.
Babis Noutsos, "Change and Ideology in the General Lyceum Program
(Two Examples)," Vol. VIII, Nos. 1-2, Spring-Summer 1981
(Special Double Issue).
Babis Noutsos, "Pedagogical Research and Modern Greek Education:
A Critical Overview of the Recent Greek Pedagogical Bibliography,"
Vol. VIII, Nos. 1-2, Spring-Summer 1981 (Special Double Issue).
0
Suha Oguzertem, "An Adventure of Oral Narrative In Modem Turkish
Literature," Vol. 18.1, 1992 (Special Issue).
Regina Pagoulatou, The Angels. Translated by Apostolos Athanasakis,
Collages by Yanni Posnakoff, Vol. 19.1, 1993.
Eleni Paidoussi, "Why Caramanlis Won the Elections in Greece," Vol.
II, No. 1, Spring 1975.
Elen Floratou-Paidoussis, "Dr. Martin Luther King," Vol. I, No. 2, 1974.
Alexander Panagoulis, "Apories" (Wonderings), Vol. I, No. 2, 1974.
Alexander Panagoulis, a poem, "Ksespasma" (Outburst), Vol. I, No. 2,
1974.
Stephanos P. Papageorgiou, "The Army as an Instrument for Territorial
Expansion and for Repression by the State: The Capodistrian Case,"
Vol. XII, No. 4, Winter 1985.
John G. Papaioannou, "Kazantzakis and Music," Vol. X, No. 4, Winter
1983 (Special Issue).
Andreas G. Papandreou, "Marx, Lenin, and 'The Dictatorship of the
Proletariat,' ", Vol. II, No. 4, Winter 1975.
Nicholas Papandreou, "Mikis and Manos: A Tale of Two Composers,"
Vol. 19.1, 1993.
Helen Papanikolas, "Greek Immigrant Women in the Intermountain
West," Vol. XVI, Nos. 1-4, Spring-Summer-Fall-Winter 1989
(Special Quadruple Issue).
Helen Papanikolas, "Greek Workers in the Intermountain West: The
Early Twentieth Century," Vol. IV, No. 3, Fall 1977 .
Gregory T. Papanikos, "Investment in Construction and Postwar Greek
Economic Growth: A Correlation Analysis," Vol. XV, Nos. 3 & 4,
Fall-Winter 1988.
Rada Paparouni, "The Local Press in the Nineteenth Century in Aetoloakarnania," Vol. XII, No. 4, Winter 1985.
Sp. Pa.paspiliopoulos, "Greece and the European Common Market: From
Association to Full Membership," Vol. IV, No. 2, Summer 1977.
Index to Volumes 1 Through 20
137
Procopis Papastratis, "Proceedings: 'Studying Greek History Abroad,'"
Vol. XI, No. 2, Summer 1984.
Peter Pappas, "A Proposal for the Redefinition of the Greek Media
Services," Vol. VIII, No. 3, Fall 1981.
Peter Pappas, "Imagined Communities: The Artistic Ecologies of Mark
Hadlipateras," Vol. 20.2, 1994.
Peter Pappas, "Notations: A Belated Goodbye to George Valamvanos,"
Vol. XI, No. 4, Winter 1984.
Peter Pappas, "Yiannes: The Development of a Political Aesthetic,"
Vol. III, No. 3, Fall 1976.
Peter Pappas and Dan Georgakas, "The Greek Cinema Today: An
Interview with Nikos Panayotopoulos," Vol. VI, No. 2, Summer
1979.
Peter Pappas and Dan Georgakas, "To Be a Writer in Greece: A Discussion with Vasilis Vasilikos," Vol. VII, Nos. 3-4, Fall-Winter
1980 (Double Issue).
Peter Pappas and Marina ICasdaglis, "A Discussion with Theodoros
Staxaos," Vol. IX, No. 4, Winter 1982.
Michael Papayianakis, "Foreign Capital in the Mediterranean," yoi.
No. 2, Summer 1977.
N. Patelos, J. Bamiatzis, "The Plaintiffs Become Defendants: Recent
Court Revelations on Nazi Collabortaros," Vol. II, No, 1, Spring
1975.
Nikos Patouris, "Prisoners' Rights in Greece: A Comparative Analysis
of the Greek Code of Corrections and the Council of Europe
Standards," Vol. VI, No. 3, Fall 1979.
G. James Patterson, "Greek Men in a Coffee House in Denver: Five
Life Histories," Vol. III, No. 2, Summer 1976.
Robert Shannan Peckham, "Cavafy and the Poetics of Space," Vol. 17.1,
1991.
Mogens Pelt, "Germany and the Economic Dimensions of the Establishment of the Metaxas Regime," Vol. 20.2, 1994.
William A. Pelz, "Greek Workers Under German Capitalism," Vol. II,
No. 3, Fall 1975.
Stephanos Pesmazoglou, "Some Economic Aspects of Education," Vol.
VIII, Nos. 1-2, Spring-Summer 1981 (Special Double Issue).
P. E. Petrakis, "The Borrowing Requirements of the Greek Public Sector:
1844-1869," Vol XII, No. 4, Winter 1985.
James F. •Petras, "A Critical Appraisal of U.S. Policy Toward Greece,"
Vol. IX, No. 3, Fall 1982.
James F. Petras, "Greece: Democracy and the Tanks," Vol. IV, No. 1,
Spring 1977.
James F. Petras, "Greek Rentier Capital: Dynamic Growth and Industrial
Underdevelopment," Vol. XI, No. 2, Summer 1984.
James F. Petras, "Greek Socialism: Walking the Tightrope," Vol. IX,
No. 1, Spring 1982.
138
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
James F. Petras, "The Latin American Agro-Transformation from
Above and Outside and its Social and Political Implications," Vol.
IV, No. 4, Winter 1978.
Elias Petropoulos, "Turkish Coffee in Greece," Vol. IX, No. 4, Winter
1982.
Nicholas P. Petropoulos, "The Republic of Greece Since Its Declaration:
News, Comments and Proposals for Action," Vol. I, No. 1, 1973.
Nikos Petropoulos, "A Coup de Grace for the Foreign Monarchy," Vol.
II, No. 1, Spring 1975.
Nikos Petropoulos, "Greek American Attitudes Toward Agnew," Vol. II,
No. 3, Fall 1975.
Nikos Petropoulos, "Interviews with Five Athenians, Summer 1976,"
Vol. IV, No. 1, Spring 1977.
Nikos Petropoulos, "Prologue for Action on the Western Front," Vol. I,
No. 2, 1974.
Nikos Petropoulos, "Social Action in the U.S. Greek Diaspora: The
Greek Cultural Center of Chicago," Vol. II, No. 4, Winter 1975.
Nikos Petropoulos, "Toward a Culture of Freedom: Memorial for
Polytechnic Students, November 17, 1974," Vol. II, No. 1, Spring
1975.
Ioannis Philopoulos, "Perspectives economiques dans les Balkans: Le
cas de la Grece dams urie region en pleine mutation," Vol. 19.2, 1993
(Special Issue).
George Pilitsis, "Apotropaic and Other Magic Devices in Greek Wedding
Rituals," Vol. XIV, Nos. 3 & 4, Fall-Winter 1987.
Joze Pirjevec, "The Roots of British, American, and Yugoslav Policy
Toward Greece in 1944," Vol. XI, No. 3, Fall 1984 (Special Issue).
Andreas Polemitis, "The Economic Problems Created by the Turkish
Invasion of Cyprus," Vol. I, No. 4, 1974.
Nicos Poulantzas, "Is There a Crisis in Marxism?", Vol. VI, No. 3,
Fall 1979.
Pandelis Prevelakis, "Kazantzakis-Sikelianos: The Chronicle of a Friendship," Vol. X, No. 4, Winter 1983 (Special Issue).
Diana Pym and Marion Sarafis, "The League for Democracy in Greece
and its Archives," Vol. XI, No. 2, Summer 1984.
M. Byron Raizis, "American Philhellenic Poetry, 1821-1830," Vol. II,
No. 1, Spring 1975.
John E. Rexine, "Book Review Essay," Vol. XV, Nos. 3 & 4, FallWinter 1988.
John E. Rexine, "Kazantzakis's 'Cretan Glance' and his 'Politics of
Salvation,'" Vol. IX, No, 1, Spring 1982.
Index to Volumes 1 Through 20
139
John E. Rexine, "The Poet George Seferis and his Greek Critics," Vol. II,
Nos. 3-4, Fall-Winter 1980 (Double Issue).
Yannis Ritsos, "Agamemnon," Vol. XI, No. 4, Winter 1984.
Yannis Ritsos, "Orestes," Vol. XII, No. 1, Spring 1985.
Christos S. Romanos, "Alexanciros Kotzias: Antipoiesis Archis and the
Poetics of an Antihistorian," Vol. IX, No. 1, Spring 1982.
Christos S. Romanos, "Alexandros Kotzias: Brave Telemachos and
Expressionist Art," Vol. VIII, No. 3, Fall 1981.
Katerina Angelaki-Rooke, "Kazaitzakis's Buddha: Phantasmagoria and
Struggle," Vol. X, No. 4, Winter 1983 (Special Issue).
Yiannis P. Roubatis, "The United States and the Operational Responsibilities of the Greek Armed Forces, 1947-1987," Vol. VI, No. 1,
Spring 1979.
Stephen W. Rousseas, "Memoire on the 'Second Solution,'" Vol. II,
No. 1, Spring 1975.
Stephen M. Sachs, "Some Reflections Upon Workers' Self-Management
in Yugoslavia," Vol. IV, No. 1, Spring 1977.
Stephen M. Sachs, "Workers' Self-Management: A Proposal for Improving the Quality of Life in Greece," Vol. II, No. 1, Spring 1975.
Antonis Samarakis, The Passport, Vol. VI, No, 3, Fall 1979.
Minas Samatas, "Greek McCarthyism: A Comparative Assessment of
Greek Post-Civil War Repressive Anticommunism and the U.S.
Truman-McCarthy Era," Vol. XIII, Nos. 3 & 4, Fall-Winter 1986.
Minas Samatas, "The Populist Phase of an Underdeveloped Surveillance
Society: Political Surveillance in Post-Dictatorial Greece," Vol. 19.1,
1993.
Dorothy T. Samuel, "Heroines of Peace," Vol. II, No. 4, Winter 1975.
Marion Sarafis and Diana Pym, "The League for Democracy in Greece
and its Archives," Vol. XI, No. 2, Summer 1984.
Rebecca Saunders, "Creating Contents: Papadiamantis' E Ponissa as an
Allegory of Epistemological Treachery," Vol. 18.1, 1992 (Special
Issue).
Minas Savvas, "Arnold Toynbee and the Koraes Chair Controversy,"
Vol. 17.2, 1991.
Minas Savvas, "Torture in Greece: The Shock of Recognition," Vol. II,
No. 4, Winter 1975.
Herbert Schaumann, "On Re-Translating Homer," Vol. IX, No. 3,
Fall 1982.
Irvin Cemil Schik and Ettugrul Ahmet Tonak, "Political Science Looks
at Turkey," Vol. XII, No. 2, Summer 1985.
Mel Schuster, "A Struggle Well Worth It," Vol. III, No. 2, Summer
1976.
140
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
George Seferis, "A Letter on 'Thrush,'" Vol. VII, No. 2, Summer 1980.
Thanasis D. Sfikas, "Attlee, Bevin and 'A Very Lame Horse': The Dispute Over Greece and the Middle East, December 1946-January
1947," Vol. 18.2, 1992.
Aloe Sideris, "Some Information About Private Education in Greece,"
Vol. VIII, Nos. 1-2, Spring-Summer 1981 (Special Double Issue).
Dino Siotis, "My Greece," Vol. I, No. 3, 1974.
Dino Siotis, "Press Review on Greek Developments," Vol. II, No. 2,
Summer 1975.
A. Skouras, "Rentier Capital, Industrial Development, and the Growth
of the Greek Economy in the Postwar Period: A Response to
James Petras," Vol. XII, No. 1, Spring 1985.
George Skretas, "The National Library of Greece: Redefining Its Role
and Organization," Vol. XII, No. 2, Summer 1985.
Ole L. Smith, "New Evidence on Greek Music in the U.S.A.: Spottswood's
Ethnic Music on Records," Vol. 18. 2, 1992.
Ole L. Smith, "The Memoirs and Reports of the British Liaison Officers
in Greece, 1942-1944: Problems of Source Value," Vol. XI, No. 3,
Fall 1984 (Special Issue).
Ole L. Smith, "The Problem of Zachariadis's First Open Lette: A Reappraisal of the Evidence," Vol. IX, No. 4, Winter 1982.
Ole L. Smith, "The Problems of the Second Plenum of the Central Committee of the KKE, 1946," Vol. XII, No. 2, Summer 1985.
Nikos Spartacos, "A Greek Foreign Student's Impressions of the U.S.A.,"
Vol. I, No. 2, 1974.
Heidi Stroh, "Living the Revolution," Vol. I, No. 4, 1974.
Heidi Stroh, "Oppression—The Women's Case," Vol. I, No. 1, 1973.
Elena Frangakis-Syrett, "Monoculture in Nineteenth-Century Greece and
the Port City of Patras," Vol. 20.2, 1994.
David Syrett, "The British and the Greek Naval Incident at Chatham,
1944," Vol. XV, Nos. 1 & 2, Summer-Spring, 1988.
John Taylor, "Elias Petropoulos: A Presentation," Vol. VIII, No. 4,
Winter 1981.
Mikis Theodorakis, "On Communism and the Revolution," Vol. I,
No. 3, 1974.
Jerry Theodorou, "An Appreciation of Ancient Greek Coins," Vol. XV,
Nos. 3 & 4, Fall-Winter 1988.
Athan Theoharis, "The Decline of an Anti-Colonial Tradition: Official
Attitudes Toward Revolutions During the Cold War Years," Vol.
IV, No. 3, Fall 1977.
Stavros B. Thomadakis, "Monetary Arrangements and Economic Power
in Nineteenth-Century Greece: The National Bank in the Period of
Index to Volumes 1 Through 20
141
Convertibility (1841-77), Vol. XII, No. 4, Winter 1985.
Niki Tipaldou, "Greece: Portraits and Landscapes" (a photoessay),
Vol. V, No. 2, Summer 1978.
Nikolay Todorov, "Politics and Contemporary Bulgaria," Vol. 19.2, 1993
(Special Issue).
Daniel P. Tompkins, "Reciprocities Between a. Text and Two Translations: Thucydides, Venizelos and Kakridis," Vol. V, No. 1,
Spring 1978.
Cornelia A. Tsakiridou, "The Photographic Dimension in Some Poems
of C. P. Cavafy," Vol. 17.2, 1991.
George Tselos, "Archival Sources for the History of the Greek American
Community: Problems and Challenges," Vol. XVI, Nos. 1-4, SpringSummer-Fall-Winter 1989 (Special Quadruple Issue).
Ourania H. Tsorvas, "Highlights of a Study of the Mobility and Social
Characteristics of the Greek Population of Bridgeport, Connecticut,
1900-1970," Vol. XVI, Nos. 1-4, Spring-Summer-Fall-Winter 1989
(Special Quadruple Issue).
Constantine Tsoucalas, "On the Problem of Political Clientelism in
Greece in the Nineteenth Century" (Part One), Vol. V, No. 1,
Spring 1978.
Constantine Tsoucalas, "On the Problem of Clientelism in Greece in
the Nineteenth Century" (Part Two), Vol. V, No. 2, Summer 1978.
Constantine Tsoucalas, "Some Aspects of 'Over-Education' in Modem
Greece," Vol. VIII, Nos. 1-2, Spring-Summer 1981 (Special Double
Issue).
V
George Valamvanos, "A Life-Long Sojourn in the Aegean: A Tribute
to Kaldis," Vol. VI, No. 2, Summer 1979.
Nanos Valaoritis, "The Relentless Postmodern Times of Yannis Ritsos,""
Vol. 18.2, 1992.
.
.
Vasilis Vasilikos, "Anatomy Lesson," Vol. VI, No. I, Spring 1979.
Thanos Veremis, "From Lincolnshire to Zakynthos; Two Greek Poets in
England: Andreas Kalvos and George Seferis, Vol. VII, No. 2,
Summer 1980.
T'hanos Veremis, "The Greek State and Economy During the Pangalos
Regime, 1925-1926," Vol. VII, No. 2, Summer 1980.
Thanos Veremis and Nikos Economou, "Parties of the Liberal Center
in the Greek Elections of 1981," Vol. XI, No. 4, Winter 1984.
Thanos Veremis and Andre Gerolymatos, "The Military as a Sociopolitical
Force in Greece, 19404949," Vol. 17.1, 1991.
142
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
Elias Vlanton, "Documents: The O.S.S. and Greek-Americans," Vol. IX,
No. 1, Spring 1982.
Elias Vlanton, "Documents: The O.S.S. and Greek-Americans," Vol. IX,
No. 2, Stunmer 1982.
Elias Vlanton, "Documents: The 0.S.S. and Greek-Americans," Vol. IX,
No. 3, Fall 1982.
Elias Vlanton, "Documents: The O.S.S. and Greek-Americans," Vol. IX,
No. 4, Winter 1982.
Elias Vlanton, "From Grammos to Tet: American Intervention in Greece
and Beyond," Vol. X, No. 3, Fall 1983.
Elias Vlanton and Diane Alicia, "The 1959 Cyprus Agreement: Oracle
of Disaster," Vol. XI, No. 4, Winter 1984.
George C. Vournas, "The Tragedy of Cyprus—A Kissinger Folly," Vol. I,
No. 4, 1974.
Melanie Wallace, "Death in Greece," Vol. XI, No. 1, Spring 1984.
Victor Wallis, "Reflections on Chile," Vol. I, No. 1, 1973.
Victor Wallis, "The United States in Chile: The CIA Confessions," Vol. I,
No. 4, 1974.
Henry Wasser, "A Survey of Recent Trends in Greek Higher Education,"
Vol. VI, No. 1, Spring 1979.
X
Vassilis Xydias, "Notations: 'New' or 'OH': Orthodoxy in the Limelight,"
Vol. XI, No. 2, Summer 1984.
Xenophon Yataganas, "The Supranational Nature of European Institutions and the Sovereignty of the EEC Member States," Vol. VII,
Nos. 3-4, Fall-Winter 1980 (Double Issue).
Theophrastos Yerou, "Basic Education Today," Vol. VIII, Nos. 1-2,
Spring-Summer 1981 (Special Double Issue) .
Russell Zanc-a, "Three Phases of Uzbek Modernism: jadidist, Stalinist,
and Post-Soviet," Vol. 18.1, 1992 (Special Issue).
Index to Volumes 1 Through 20
143
BOOK REVIEWS
A
Allan Bloom's Translation of The Republic of Plato, STEPHEN M. JAcHs,
Vol. II, No. 2, 1975.
A Man by Oriana Fallaci, MELANIE WALLACE, Vol. VIII, No. 4,
Winter 1981.
Anglo-American Policy and the Greek Problem: 1945-1949 by B. Kondis,
THEODORE A. CouLoumms, Vol. XIII, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer
1986.
Anthology of Contemporary Cypriot Poetry, edited by Leukios Zafeiriou
and Loukas Axelos, NADIA CHARALAmmou, Vol. XIII, Nos. 1
& 2, Spring-Summer 1986.
Anthropology Through the Looking-Glass: Critical Ethnography in the
Margins of Europe by Michael Herzfeld, DAVID D. GILMORE, Vol.
XV, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer 1988.
A Profile of Modern Greece: In Search of Identity by Yorgos A. Kourvetaris and Betty A. Dobratz, ADAMANTIA POLLIS, Vol. XV, Nos.
1 & 2, Spring-Summer 1988.
Beginning With 0 by Olga Broumas, MARY MOUNDROS GREENE,
Vol. V, No. 1, Spring 1978.
British Reports on Greece 1943-44 by J. M. Stevens, C. M. Woodhouse
and D. J. Wallace; edited by Lars Baerentzen, ALEXANDROS
Vol. X, No. 3, Fall 1983.
By Fire and Axe: The Communist Party and the Civil War in Greece,
1944-1949 by Evangelos Averoff-Tossizza, THEODORE A.
COULOUMBIS, Vol. V, No. 1, Spring 1978.
KITROEFF,
Clint: A Biography of a Labor Intellectual by Thomas R. Brooks, JIM
JACOBS, Vol. VI, No. 3, Fall 1979.
Consciousness and History: Nationalist Critics of Greek Society 189 71914 by Gerasimos Augustinos, PASCHAL'S M. K1TROMILIDES, VOL
VI, No. 3, Fall 1979.
Contested Identities, Peter Loizos and Evthymios Papataxiarchis, eds.,
PETER S. ALLEN, VOL 17.2, 1991.
Cora by Daphne Athas, ANDREW HORTON, Vol. VII, No. 2, Summer
1980.
144
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
Correctional Law: General Part by Stefanos K. Anagnostakis, MIMS
PATOUIUS, VOL VI, No. 2, Summer 1979.
Costar Discovers America: An Odyssey by Joseph George Vasiliou, REV.
GEORGE C. PAPADEMETRIOU, VOL XII, No. 1, Spring 1985.
Cyprus by Christopher Hitchens, ADAMANTIA POLLIS, VOL XII, No. 1,
Spring 1985.
Cyprus: Nationalism and International Politics by Michael Attalides,
KYRIACOS C. MARKIDES, VOL IX, No. 1, Spring 1982.
Cyprus '74: The Other Face of Aphrodite (edited by Emmanuel Ch.
Kasdaglis), PETER PAPPAS, VOL V, No. 1, Spring 1978.
Cyprus: The Vulnerable Republic, by Dimitri S. Bitsios, VAN
COUFOUDAKIS, VOL III, No. 2, Summer 1976.
Dangerous Voices: Women's Laments and Greek Literature, by Gail
Hoist-Warhaft, MARGARET ALEXIOU, Vol. 20.2, 1994.
Demonstration Elections: U.S. Staged Elections in the Dominican Republic,
Vietnam and El Salvador by Edward S. Herman and Frank Broadhead,
LEPTEN S. STAVRIANOS, VOL XI, No. 1, Spring 1984.
Demotic Greek by Peter Bien, et al., M. COULTON, VOL XI, No. 2,
Summer 1984.
Dependence and Reproduction: The Social Role of the Educational Apparatus in Greece (1830-1922) by Constantine Tsoucalas, PASCHALIS
M. KITRO/vIILIDES, VOL IV, No. 4, Winter 1978.
Die Kommunistische Partei Griechenlands 1941-1949 by Matthias Esche,
OLE L. SMITH, VOL XI, No. 1, Spring 1984.
Dionysiac Poetics and Euripides' "Bacchae" by Charles Segal, VASILIS
PAPAGEORGIOU, VOL XI, No. 2, Summer 1984.
Draza Mihailovic and the Rise of the Cetnik Movement, 1941-1942 by
Lucien Karchmar, ALEXANDROS KITROEFF, VOL XV, Nos. 3 & 4,
Fall-Winter 1988.
Economic Development and Greek Emigration (Kalvos Publications,
Athens, 1974), CHRISTOPHER KORNAROS, VOL II, No, 4, Winter
1975.
Education and Greek Americans: Process and Prospects. Edited by Spyros
D. Orfanos, Harry J. Psomiades, and John Spirklakis, JOHN E.
REXINE, Vol. XV, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer 1988.
ELAS: Greek Resistance Army by Stefanos Sarafis, ALEXANDROS
KITROEFF, Volume X, No. 3, Fall 1983.
Eleni by Nicholas Gage, KEVIN ANDREWS, VOL XI, No. 1, Spring 1984.
Index to Volumes 1 Through 20
145
Enver Hoxha: Two Friendly Nations. From the Political Journal and
Other Documents on Albanian-Greek Relations, 1941-1984, OLE
L. SMITH, Vol. XII, No. 3, Fall 1985.
Essays on Orthodox Christian-Jewish Relations by George C. Papademetriou, VASILIKI LIMBERIS, Vol. 17.2, 1991.
Euripides' Medea and Cosmetics by Vasilis Papageorgiou,
JOHN
E.
REXINE, VOL XV, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer 1988.
Folk Poetry of Modern Greece by Roderick Beaton, JOHN VODLGARIEETROPOULOS, Vol. X, No. 3, Fall 1983.
Foreign Interference in Greek Politics by T. A. Couloumbis, J. A.
Petropoulos, and H. J. Psomiades, MARIOS L. EVIUVIADES, Vol. IV,
No. 4, Winter 1978.
From Poverty to Recognition by Nikos Alefantos, ALEXANDROS KrIROEFF,
Vol. XII, No. 2, Summer 1985.
Greece and the British Connection, 1935-1941 by John S. Koliopoulos,
ALEXANDER XITROEFF, Vol. IX, No. 1, Spring 1982.
Greece: From Resistance to Civil War (edited by Marion Sarafis),
ALEXANDER KITROEFF, Vol. VIII, No. 4, Winter 1981.
Greece, the New Europe, and the Changing International Order. Harty
J. Psomiades and Stavros B. Thomadakis, editors. Dimrritis KERIDIS
AND THEODORE EELAGIDES, Vol. 20.2, 1994.
Greek-American Relations: A Critical Review (edited by Theodore A.
Couloumbis and John 0. Iatricles), Knu ANASTASAKOS, Vol.
No. 2, Summer 1980.
Greek Connections: Essays on Culture and Diplomacy. Edited by John
T. A. Koumoulides. Foreword by John Brademas. The Stephen J.,
Brademas, Sr., and Beatrice Brademas Lectures 1976-1978, JOHN E.
REXINE, Vol. XV, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer 1988.
Greek Entanglement (revised second edition) by Brigadier E. C. W.
Myers, CBA, DSO, MARION SARAFIS, Vol. XIII, Nos. 1 & 2,
Spring-Summer 1986.
Greek Entanglement, second edition, revised by Brigadier E. C. W.
Myers, MARION SARAFIS, Vol. 17.1, 1991.
Guerrilla Warfare and Espionage in Greece, 1940-1944 by Andre Geralymatos, DAVID SYRErr, Vol. 20.2, 1994.
146
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
Harvest in the Memory of Photis Apostolopoulos, Center for Asia Minor
Studies, ALEXANDROS KITROEFF, VOL XII, No. 1, Spring 1985.
Hellenika: 1974 Yearbook for the Friends of Greece (The Consortium
of German Greek Societies, Bonn), CORINNA WIEHEN AND NIKOS
PETROPOULFS, Vol. II, No. 2, Summer 1975.
Higher Education and the Student Movement by Minas Papazoglou, NIKOS
PETROPOULOS, VOI. I, No. 3, 1974.
Homage to Byzantium. The Life and Work of Nikos Gabriel Pentzikis
by G. Thaniel, DAVID RICKS, VOL XIII, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer
1986.
Homage to the Tragic Muse by Angelos Terzakis, PEIUCLES S. VALLIANOS,
VOL VI, No. 1, Spring 1979.
How and Why the People's Liberation Struggle of Greece Met With
Defeat by Svetozar Vukmanovic, OLE L. SMITH, VOL XII, No. 4,
Winter 1985.
lm Kretaschatten der Miichte. Griechenland 1941 1944, 2 vols. by Hagen
-
Fleischer, OLE L. SMITH, VOL XIV, Nos. 3 & 4, Fall-Winter 1987.
I Should Have Died by Philip Deane, JIM jACOBS, VOL V, No. 2,
Summer 1978.
Island of the Winds by Athena Dallas-Darnis, GEORGE VALAMVANOS,
VOL V, No. 1, Spring 1978.
Kostis Pajamas: A Portrait and an Appreciation by Theofanis G. Stavrou
and Constantine A. Trypanis, including lambs and Anapaests by
Kostis Palamas. Translated by Theodore P. Stephanides and George C.
Katsimbalis, JOHN E. REXINE, VOL XIV, Nos. 1 & 2, SpringSummer 1987.
Leonis: A Novel by George Theotokas. Translated from the orignal
Greek by Donald E. Martin,
& 2, Spring-Summer 1987.
JOHN
E. REXINE, VOL XIV, Nos. 1
Let's Discuss Earthquakes, Floods and .. . the Tram by Nicos Raptis,
CONSTANTINE PACHOS, VOL DC,
No. 1, Spring 1982.
Let Us Be Greek by Norman Weinstein,
ELENI PAMOUSSI,
Vol. III,
No. 1, Spring 1976.
Index to Volumes 1 Through 20
147
Lord Elgin's Lady by Theodore Vrettos, FOTINI NICHOLAS, VOL X, No. 3,
Fall 1983.
Lost Opportunities: The Cyprus Question, 1950-1963 by Evangelos
Averoff-Tossizza, ADAMANTIA POLLIS, Vol. XIV, Nos. 1 & 2,
Spring-Summer 1987.
Lysi: Social Change in a Cypriot Village by Kyriacos C. Markides, Eleni
S. Nikita, and Elengo N. Rangou, PETER S. ALLEN, Vol. VII, No. 2,
Summer 1980.
Mistra: Byzantine Capital of the Peloponnese by Steven Runciman,
ARISTEIDES PAPADAKIS, Vol. VII,
No. 2,
Summer 1980.
Modern Greece: Profile of a Nation by D. George Kousoulas,
GEORGE
II, No. 1, Spring 1975.
Moscow and Greek Communism, 1944-1949 by Peter J. Stavrakis, OLE
L. Smrni, Vol. XV, Nos. 3 & 4, Fall-Winter 1988.
Multinational Corporations and Transfer Pricing in Greece by Panayotis
B. ROUtneliOtiS, THEODORE C. KARIOTLS, Vol. VI, No. 2, Summer
D. ANAGNOSTOPOULOS, Vol.
1979.
0
Occupation and Resistance: The Greek Agony 1941-44 by John Louis
Hondros, MARION SARAFIS, Vol. XI, No. 1, Spring 1984.
Odysseus Polytropos. Intertextual Readings in the "Odyssey's and the
"Iliad" by Pietro Pucci, VASIL'S PAPAGEORGIOU, VOL XIV, Nos.
3 & 4, Fall-Winter 1987.
Ours Once More: Folklore, Ideology and the Making of Modern Greece
by Michael Herzfeld, V. CHRYSSANTHOPOULOU, Vol. XII, No. 3,
Fall 1985.
Patra, 1828 1860. A Greek Capital in the 19th Century by Nikos Bakou-
nakis, THOMAS W. GALLANT, Vol. 17.2, 1991.
Photian Studies, George C. Papademetriou, ed., VASILIKI LIMBEIUS,
Vol. 17.2, 1991.
Politics and Cinema by Andrew Sarris,
Spring 1979.
PETER PAPPAS,
Vol. VI, No. 1,
Politics in the Semi-periphery: Early Parliarrtentarism and Late Indusrialization in the Balkans and Latin America by Nicos P. Mouzelis,
ATHANASIOS LYKOGIANNIS, Vol.
148
XV, Nos. 3 & 4, Fall-Winter 1988.
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
Pursuing the American Dream: White Ethnics and the New Populism
by Richard Kricku.s, LEE FINKLE, VOL III, No. 3, Fall 1976.
Recollections of Andreas Kordopatis by Thanasis Valtinos, GEORGE
VALAMVANOS, Vol. IV, No. 4, Winter 1978.
Resistance and Revolution in Mediterranean Europe 1939-1948 by Tony
Judt, ed., JOHN 0. IATIUDES, Vol. 17.1, 1991.
Resistance, Exile and Love (edited and translated by Nicos Spanias),
MINAS SAVVAS, Vol. VI, No. 1, Spring 1979.
Revolt in Athens: The Greek Communist "Second Round," 1944-45
by John 0. 'strides, CONSTANTINE HATZIDIMITRIOU, Vol. IV, No. 1,
Spring 1977.
Shattered Peace: The Origins of the Cold War and the National Security
State by Daniel Yergin, LAWRENCE S. WITTNER, Vol. IV, No. 4,
Winter 1978.
Shore of the Acheans by Kyriakos Charalanibides, PEIUCLES S VALLIANOS,
VOL VI, No. 2, Summer 1979.
Social Change And Military Intervention, 1880-1909, George Dertilis,
S. VIcroa PAPAcosmA, Vol. VI, No. 1, Spring 1979.
Social Development and the State: The Formation of the Public Sector
in Greece by Constantine Tsoucalas, MINAS SAMATAS, VOL IX, No. 1,
Spring 1982.
Social Life and Public Spaces of Social Assembly in Nineteenth Century
Athens by Matoula C. Skaltsa, PANAYOTIS TOURNIKIOTIS, VOL XII,
No. 3, Fall 1985.
Sport and Recreation in Ancient Greece: A Sourcebook with Translations by Waldo E. Sweet, JOHN E. RE)cm, Vol. XV, Nos. 3 & 4,
Fall-Winter 1988.
State and Class in Turkey: A Study in Capitalist Development by Caglar
Keyder, MOLLY GREENE, VOL XV,
Nos. 1
& 2,
Spring-Summer
1988.
Stillborn Republic: Social Coalitions and Party Strategies in Greece, 19221936 by George Th. Mavrogordatos, THANOS VEREMIS, VOL XII,
No. 3, Fall 1985.
Studies in the History of The Greek Civil War, 1945-1949, Lars Baerentzen, John 0. Iatrides, Ole Smith (eds.), JoHN L. HONDROS,
VOL XV, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer 1988.
Symposium of Plato. Translated with an Introduction by Tom Griffith.
Engraved by Peter Foster. Preface by John Patrick Lynch. JOHN
B. REXINE, VOL 17.1, 1991.
Index to Volumes 1 Through 20
149
The Agrarian Question in Greece by Kostas Vergopoulos,
THEODORE
C. KARIOTIS, VOL IV, No.
4, Winter 1978.
The Angels by Regina Pagoulatou. Translated by Apostolos Athanasakis.
Collages by Yanni Posiakoff, Vol. 19.1, 1993.
The Army and Political Power: The Power Structure in Post-Civil War
Greece by Dimitris Haralambis, VASSILIS KAPETANYANNIS, VOL XII,
No. 3, Fall 1985.
The Athenian Review by Thodoros HatZipantaziS, GEORGE VALAMVANOS,
VOL VI, No. 1, Spring 1979.
The Bank Dispute, 1871-73 by George Dertilis, STAVROS B. THOMADAIGS,
VOL VIII, No. 4, Winter 1981.
The Byzantine Wall Paintings of Greece by Konstantin Kalokyris,
GEORGAKAS, Vol.
DAN
III, No. 3, Fall 1976.
The Commerce of Smyrna in the Eighteenth Century 1700-1820 by Elena
Frangakis-Syrett, MOLLY GREENE, Vol. 20.2, 1994.
The Constantinople Organization by A. Souliotis-Nicolaidis, edited by
Thanos Veremis and Katerina Bouras, A. J.
VOL XIII, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer 1986.
PANAYOTOPOULOS,
The Constraints of Desire: The Anthropology of Sex and Gender in
Ancient Greece by John J. Winkler, JoHN E. REXINE, Vol. 17.1,
1991.
The Contemporary Greek Cinema by Mel Schuster,
VOL VI, No. 3, Fall 1979.
The Double Book by Dimitris Chadzis,
Winter 1978.
ANDREW HORTON,
PETER PAPPAS, VOL IV,
No. 4,
The Elgin Marbles: Should They be Returned to Greece? by Christopher
Hitchens, with essays by Robert Browning and Graham Binns,
SARAFIS, VOL XIV, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer 1987.
MARION
The Evasive Neutral: Germany, Britain and the Quest for a Turkish
Alliance in the Second World War by Frank G. Weber, ALEXIS P.
ALEXANDRIS, VOL
VIII, No. 4, Winter 1981.
The Eve of the Greek Revival: British Travellers' Perceptions of Early
Nineteenth-Century Greece by Helen Angelomatis-Tsougarakis,
ANTHONY
J. PAPALAS, VOL 17.2, 1991.
The Flight of Ikaros: Travels in Greece During a Civil War by Kevin
Andrews, MARION SARAFIS, VOL XII, No. 3, Fall 1985.
The Greek Communist Party, 1940-1944 by John C. Loulis,
CATEPHORES,
The Greek Economy in the Twentieth Century by A. F. Freris,
SIGS LYKOGIANNIS, VOL 17.2, 1991.
The Greek Islands by Lawrence Durrell,
No. 3, Fall 1979.
150
GEORGE
VOL X, No. 3, Fall 1983.
ATHANA-
DAN GEORGAKAS, VOL VI,
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA
The Greek Minority of Istanbul and Greek-Turkish Relations 1918-1974
by Alexis Alexandris, VAN COUFWDAKIS, Vol. MI, No. 1, Spring
1985.
The Greek Theater by Leo Aylen, JOHN E. REXINE, Vol. XIV, Nos. 1
& 2, Spring-Summer 1987.
The Greeks in Egypt, 1919-1937: Ethnicity and Class by Alexander
Kitroeff, PETER GRAN, Vol. 17.1, 1991.
The Heroic Age by Stratis Haviaras, ICE}uN HOPE, Vol. XII, No. 2,
Summer 1985.
The Kapetanios: Partisans and Civil War in Greece, 1943 1949 by
-
Dominique Eudes, WILLIAM VETTES, Vol. III, No. 4, Winter 1976.
The Karagiozis Heroic Performance in Greek Shadow Theater. Translation by Kostas Myrsiades. Text by Linda S. Myrsiades, JOHN E.
REXINE, VOL XV, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer 1988.
The Life and Hard Times of Varvara by Kostas Pavlou Panayotopoulos,
GEORGE VALAMVANOS, Vol. V, No. 2, Summer 1978.
The Longest Night: Chronicle of a Dead City by Petros Hans. Translated
from the original Greek by Theodore Sampson, JOHN E. REXINE,
VOL XIV, Nos. 1 8z 2, Spring-Summer 1987.
The Lost Spring by Stratis Tsirkas, PETER PAPPAS, Vol. V, No. 2,
Summer 1978.
The Mediterranean City in Transition: Social Change and Urban Development by Lila Leontidou, WILLIAM H. Mc.NEH,L, Vol. 17.1, 1991.
The Megali Idea and the Greek-Turkish War of 1897: The Impact of
the Cretan Problem on Greek Irredentism, 1866-1897 by Theodore
George Tatsios, PASCHAL'S M. KtraommmEs, Vol. XII, No. 4,
Winter 1985.
The Metamorphosis of Greece Since World War II, William H.
McNeill, PETER S. ALLEN, Vol. VI, No. 2, Summer 1979.
The Military in Greek Politics: The 1909 Coup d'Etat by S. V. Papacosma, THANos VERENHS, Vol. V, No. 2, Summer 1978.
The Modern Greek Language: A Descriptive Analysis of Standard Modern
Greek by Oxford University Press, PETER MACK.RIDGB, KOSTAS
KAzAziS, Vol. XIII, Nos.
1 & 2,
Spring-Summer 1986.
The Other Side. Volume 1, The Political Chronography of the Invasion
of Cyprus on the Basis of Turkish Sources by Neodes Sarris,
MAIUOS L. EVIUVIADES, Vol.
VI, No. 2, Summer 1979.
The Ottoman Slave Trade and Its Suppression: 1840 1890 by Ehud R.
-
Toledano, ROGER OWEN, Vol. XI, No. 1, Spring 1984.
The Poetics of Colonization: From City to Text in Archaic Greece by
Carol Dougherty, VINCENT FARENGA, VOL 20.2, 1994.
The Rise and Fall of the Cyprus Republic by Kyriacos C. Markides,
JANos
N. KRANIDIOTIS, Vol. V. No. 1, Spring
1978.
151
The Road From Home: The Story of an Armenian Childhood by David
Kherdian, DAN GEORGAKAS, Vol. VII, No. 2, Summer 1980.
The Road to Dulls: Psychonalysis, Psychology, and Classical Mythology
by Robert Eisner, JoHN E. REXINE, Vol. XV, NOS. 1 & 2, SpringSummer 1988.
The Socialist Workers' Federation of Thessaloniki and the Socialist Youth
by Antonis Liakos, ALEXANDROS KITROEFF, Vol. XIII, Nos. 1 & 2,
Spring-Summer 1986.
The Tragedy of the Turkish Capital Tax by Fa,ik Okte, WALTER F.
WEIKER, VOL XIV, Nos. 1 & 2, Spring-Summer 1987.
The Trial of Socrates by I. F. Stone, JOHN E. REXINE, Vol. XV, Nos. 3
& 4, Fall-Winter 1988.
The Uneasy Partnership on Cyprus, 1919-1939: The Political and Diplomatic Interaction Between Great Britain, Turkey, and the Turkish
Cypriot Community by James A. McHenry, Mmuos L. EviuvuwEs,
Vol. XIV, Nos. 3 & 4, Fall-Winter 1987.
To Hreos by Mikis Theodorakis, GEORGE C. VOURNAS, Vol. I, No. 3,
1974.
Tote Pou Zousame (When We Lived) by Asimakis Panselinos, M.
BYRON RAMIS, VOL III, No. 3, Fall 1976.
"World Conference of Solidarity with Cyprus for the Implementation
of U.N. Resolutions on Cyprus," Vol. III, No. 4, Winter 1976.
152
JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA