The Agrarian History of Sweden 4000 bc to ad 2000 nordic academic press

The Agrarian
History of Sweden
4000 bc to ad 2000
Edited by
Janken Myrdal & Mats Morell
stiftelsen lagersberg
nordic academic press
The publication of this work has been realized with the generous
support of Stiftelsen Lagersberg, Eskilstuna, Sweden.
Nordic Academic Press
P.O. Box 1206
SE-221 05 Lund
www.nordicacademicpress.com
© Nordic Academic Press and the Authors 2011
Translations: Charlotte Merton
Typesetting: Stilbildarna i Mölle, Frederic Täckström, www.sbmolle.com
Maps and figures: Stig Söderlind
Cover: Anette Rasmusson
Cover image: ‘The harvest’, a painted tapestry by Johannes Nilsson
(1757–1827), from Breared in southern Sweden.
Photo: Halland’s Regional Museum, Halmstad.
Printed by ScandBook, Falun 2011
ISBN: 978-91-85509-56-0
Contents
Introduction
Janken Myrdal & Mats Morell 7
1. Early farming households, 3900–800 bc
Stig Welinder
18
2. Agriculture in Sweden, 800 bc–ad 1000
Ellen Anne Pedersen & Mats Widgren
46
3. Farming and feudalism, 1000–1700
Janken Myrdal
72
4. The agricultural revolution in Sweden, 1700–1870
Carl-Johan Gadd
118
5. Agriculture in industrial society, 1870–1945
Mats Morell
165
6. The tension between modernity and reality, 1945–2010
Iréne A. Flygare & Maths Isacson
214
7. Swedish agrarian history – the wider view
Janken Myrdal
257
Notes
Statistical appendix
Mats Morell, Carl-Johan Gadd & Janken Myrdal
Bibliography
Index
271
285
Theme texts:
The rituals of agriculture
From peasant rebellion to parliamentary Estate
A wealth of clearable land
Changes in food consumption
Women and men
302
330
38
98
158
188
224
chapter 2
Agriculture in Sweden
800 bc–ad 1000
Ellen Anne Pedersen & Mats Widgren
The subject of this chapter is the growth and development of agriculture
in the Iron Age, which in Swedish prehistoric chronology refers to the
period between roughly 500 Bc and Ad 1000. However, many of the
decisive moments that were to determine the agriculture typical of
the Iron Age had already occurred back in the Bronze Age. We have
therefore extended our discussion by some three hundred years to 800
Bc. In this ‘long Iron Age’, settlements, fields, meadows, and pastures
expanded into land that had previously been used more extensively. The
expansion, however, cannot be characterized as simple, even, gradual
growth. Instead, periods of expansion, colonization, and deforestation
alternated with periods of recession, retreat, and reforestation. New
technologies and practices were introduced – the tools, crops, and
farming systems that would increase productivity. Moreover, through all
the different eras of the Iron Age, agriculture was influenced by shifting
socio-political structures and processes that had a profound impact on
production, settlement patterns, and the landscape. As a result, agrarian
landscapes underwent a series of radical changes. As will be shown,
these changes were often as fundamental as the much later, and much
better known, land reforms of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
Iron Age agriculture was neither primitive nor stagnant.
The emergence of mixed farming
From the southernmost province of Sweden to agriculture’s northern
margins, there was a well-documented expansion of agricultural open
lands during the first millennium Bc. The dramatic opening up of
former forests and woodlands in Skåne during the late Bronze Age
46
agriculture in sweden 800 bc–ad 1000
Age
BC/AD
Fårarps
mosse
Bussjösjön
Bjäresjösjön/
Bjärsjöholmssjön
Krageholmssjön
1500
1000
500
0
500
1000
1500
2000
2500
3000
3500
4000
10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80
% total pollen
10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90
10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90
10 20 30 40 50 60
% total pollen
Figure 2.1 The proportion of pollen and spores that indicate arable, meadows
and other open land. Pollen diagrams from four different localities in a transect
from coast to inland in the Ystad area in southern Sweden. Source: Berglund
1991, 414.
clearly represented a decisive step towards the present appearance of the
agricultural plains of the south. Cultivated and grazed areas expanded,
topsoil erosion increased, and pastures and meadows with semi-natural
vegetation came to dominate for the first time. The general expansion
of human influence also paved the way for the most rapid increase of
floristic diversity in the whole Holocene epoch. The land was transformed
into a humanized mosaic of fields, meadows, pastures, and managed
woodlands. Simultaneously, in the eighth century Bc, people started to
cultivate barley, wheat, and oats along the lower reaches of the Ume River
on the Baltic coast, at 64° N, which was then the northernmost limit
of cultivation. The expansion into this northern area was short-lived,
however, for cultivation ceased in about 400 Bc, and not until after Ad
500 would there again be any agricultural expansion in these areas.1
Agricultural lands expanded all over Scandinavia, but the character
of farming also changed and came to include new elements: cattle
byres, hay-meadows, permanent field systems, and iron implements.
Scandinavia became part of an agricultural system of mixed farming,
which for two millennia was to dominate a wide belt from Ireland in the
west across the northern half of Europe.2 It was not until the twentieth
century, and the advent of artificial fertilizers and fossil fuel traction, that
the mutual dependence of the two farming sectors began to dissolve.
47
the agrarian history of sweden
This agricultural system owed much of its existence to the environment, with its short vegetation period and temperate climate. However,
rather than assuming that it was environmentally determined, we now
have the data to interpret the move towards mixed farming as a more
complex process. Much of the archaeological and palaeo-ecological
research of recent decades has been intended to establish with greater
precision when the various elements were introduced.
Stalling or out-wintering livestock
The earliest evidence of cattle byres along the Dutch and German North
Sea coast dates to 1800–1500 Bc. In Denmark, the earliest stalling of
cattle has been dated to some centuries later, while in Sweden to the
first millennium Bc. From Skåne in the south to Uppland in central
Sweden, similar long-houses from the first millennium Bc have now
been found. Such three-aisled long-houses, with their characteristic
division between the dwelling unit and one or two rooms with other
functions, become increasingly common in the archaeological record of
this period. In some cases it has also been possible to use construction
details, phosphate mapping, and the distribution of finds and ecofacts
to prove that one part of the long-house was indeed used for stalling
livestock and storing winter fodder.3
However, the fact that byres have been documented for a given period
does not prove that indoor stalling had become the dominant practice
in livestock-keeping. In Östergötland, a large number of isolated hearths
have been found. None of them has any close connection to settlement
sites, burials, or ancient fields. Maria Petersson argues convincingly that
in their sheer number they represent nodes in a ‘well organised system
of grazing, where the animals were kept outdoors, winter as well as
summer’. The dates of these isolated hearths (roughly 1000 Bc to 1 Bc)
are contemporaneous with the opening up of grazing lands documented
in pollen diagrams. The dates of similar hearths in Uppland support this
evidence of an expansion and intensification of grazing on the outlying
lands of permanent settlements. During this period of agricultural
expansion, it thus seems that both increased winter stalling and large outwintered herds were part of the picture. Moreover, the balance between
stalling and out-wintering may have varied geographically. Even in the
southernmost areas of Sweden, where otherwise there is early evidence of
stalled cattle, out-wintering seems to have continued to play a role well
48
agriculture in sweden 800 bc–ad 1000
into the first millennium Ad. Using the age distribution of slaughtered
animals, Stig Welinder has shown that in the second century Ad one
part of a herd in this area was out-wintered.4
In the Swedish literature, climate deterioration in the first millennium
Bc has often been advanced as the explanation for the introduction of
stalling. This increasingly cold period has also been given the name,
taken from the Edda, of the fimbul winter (from the Icelandic fimbulvetr,
great winter). Yet the connection to a period of cooling is not as obvious
as it would seem. Cattle can withstand cold weather and snow up to a
certain depth, and are able to browse bushes and trees. Thus the choice
farmers had to make in the past, between out-wintering and stalling, in
northern Europe as in other parts of the world, did not simply reflect
climatic zones or other environmental factors. There are several reasons,
beyond climate, that may explain why stalling was introduced. Stalling,
through the closer connection between humans and animals, permits
more intensive milk production, including a more productive use of
fodder-producing areas. Furthermore, the connection between stalling
and the use of cattle manure on intensively cultivated infields is one part
of a more general intensification of agriculture. As has been shown for
many other parts of the world, the increased role of private property
and the security of the herd can be seen as factors that contributed to
the spread of cattle byres during this period. While climate certainly
played a role (especially in wet and windy areas) there is thus good reason
to regard the introduction of winter stalling not as an environmentally
driven adaptation, but rather as a new technological and social complex
that spread from central parts of Europe to Scandinavia in the Bronze
Age and early Iron Age.5
The first hay-meadows?
Haymaking has long played a central role in the farming systems in
Sweden, and hay-meadows of different types are a characteristic feature of
the historical landscape. It is not surprising, then, that great efforts have
been made to document the origins of mown hay-meadows. Different
evidence has been adduced to date the introduction of haymaking: the
indirect evidence of the implements used (sickles or scythes); the existence of stone-wall enclosures around wetlands; and palaeo-ecological
evidence. For the first millennium Bc, the strongest evidence comes
from palaeo-ecology.
49
the agrarian history of sweden
Many pollen diagrams for southern and central Scandinavia show
that during the first millennium Bc alders (Alnus) decreased while a
variety of key plants indicative of managed wetlands increased. The
most probable explanation for this shift in pollen frequencies is that
alder carrs were cleared for grazing or mowing, and in the process
were transformed into sedge fens. From this we can infer that the first
expansion of hay-meadows on wetlands began in 800 Bc in Skåne.
Lagerås has shown how a fen in northern Skåne was cleared in the
period 700 Bc to 400 Bc, and further supports his contention that
this managed wetland was a hay-meadow (rather than just a grazing
area) with an analysis of the ecological characteristics of the vegetation
that grew there.6
A close examination of the vegetation characteristics has shown that
in Skåne there were mown hay-meadows on dry ground from at least
200 Bc. The palaeo-ecological analysis indicates ‘rich, fresh meadows,
most probably mowed in early summer, and grazed during late summer
and autumn’. Hay-meadows on fens probably came earlier than on dry
ground, possibly because sedge fens were easier to harvest with a sickle,
while the thinner growth of grasses and herbs on better-drained ground
became easier to harvest only with the arrival of scythes.7
Permanent field systems
During the first millennium Bc, farmers in Scandinavia started to
invest more in permanent fields. Stones were cleared from the land and
collected into clearance cairns, while cultivation led to the formation of
lynchets and banks. It is from the patterns of field boundaries and the
distribution of clearance cairns that we can discern, on a broader scale,
what the general appearance of cultivated fields in different parts of
Sweden may have been. On the Baltic island of Gotland and in Skåne
the field systems were of the same character as in continental northern
Europe, and consisted of extensive areas of ‘Celtic fields’ – a term for
small square or rectangular fields bounded by sandy or earthen banks.8
Investigations in some of the many extensive field systems of this type on
Gotland show that they emerged in the eighth century Bc, and were in
use until the second century Ad. While Celtic fields from this period are
common in Denmark, they are less well documented in nearby Skåne,
but there is reason to believe that they were widespread there during
the first millennium Bc. The fields were tilled with wooden ards, or
50
agriculture in sweden 800 bc–ad 1000
scratch-ploughs, which since about 800 Bc had been equipped with
detachable wooden ard-shares to cut through the topsoil. Archaeological
excavations of fields in different parts of Sweden have documented the
characteristic criss-cross pattern associated with ard tillage; indeed, the
fact that the fields were cross-ploughed is one reason why so many fields
from this period are square or rectangular in shape.9
However, the clearest evidence of arable fields in the first millennium Bc comes from the prevalence of large clearance-cairn fields,
especially in the interior of southern Sweden. The remnants of these
field systems cover substantial parts of the present forests, extending
well beyond what would later become infields and meadows. Many
of them originated in the late Bronze Age, from the ninth to the sixth
centuries Bc. There are few visible boundaries between separate plots
in this type of ancient field. There seems to have been some short- or
long-term field rotation, which together with the palynological evidence
bears witness to a landscape that was a mosaic of small cultivated fields
alternating with secondary woodland.10
Crops
The manifest changes in the farming system in the first millennium Bc
were that the rearing of livestock and the cultivation of fields became
more closely integrated. But the composition of the crops grown also
changed. The main crops until the late Bronze Age had been millet
(Panicum miliaceum), emmer wheat (Triticum dicoccum), einkorn (T.
monococcum), spelt (T. spelta), and nude barley (Hordeum vulgare var.
nudum). However, in the course of the first millennium Bc, hulled
barley (H. vulgare var. vulgare) had an ever-increasing role, and from
then on came to dominate amongst the grain crops in Sweden for more
than two millennia. There is no simple explanation for this change.
The cooler climate could be a reason why the cultivation of millet and
emmer wheat decreased, but that can hardly explain the decline of
spelt, since in the same period the cultivation of spelt increased in the
British Isles as a substitute for the climatically more sensitive emmer.
Another explanation may be that the older grains had more fragile
ears, so that it was simpler to harvest them ear by ear. Better sickles,
especially from 100 Bc on, made a more efficient harvest possible, but
might at the same time have favoured the cultivation of less fragile
grains: new harvesting techniques may thus have influenced the choice
51
the agrarian history of sweden
of crops. The spread of hulled barley in southern Sweden is also in clear
contrast to recent results from south-western Denmark, where for the
same period hulled barley took a more modest role. It has also been
proposed that the preference for hulled barley in Swedish areas was
connected to changed cultural preferences in cooking and brewing.11
The first millennium Bc can thus be characterized as a period of
agricultural expansion and change. It is difficult to isolate a single
element of technological or social change that might explain these
developments. While a cooler climate is certainly part of the picture, it
should not be thought the main explanatory factor. Rather, we should
see the change as arising from the introduction of a technological
complex of cattle stalling, hay-meadows, manuring, increased tillage,
and the establishment of permanent, stone-cleared fields. The increased
tillage and stone-clearing may have been motivated by the need to mix
manure into the soil.
Intensification and technological change, Ad 200–600
In the early centuries of the Christian era, the evidence of farming practices,
tools, landscapes, and social organization becomes much clearer than
for the preceding centuries. Written evidence also provides us with our
first opportunity to gain some sense of the social context in which this
took place. From classical writers we start to get an idea of the different
peoples and lands in Scandinavia, even if the information is brittle and
contradictory. Scandinavia at this point was divided into a series of
small lands or petty kingdoms, often with roughly the same boundaries
as the landskap (provinces) known later in medieval times. The writings
of Jordanes are especially valuable, for he provides us with the names
of regions that can be located – and confirmed – by the distribution of
ancient monuments. Centres of power are evident from their monumental
mounds, and a detailed picture begins to emerge of the large and wealthy
settlements that formed central places for these hierarchies.12
Beginning shortly before the Christian era, and well evidenced for
in the second and third centuries Ad, there were a series of changes in
technology and farming practices. The richness of the archaeological
material shows that these changes were partly the result of settlements
expanding, so of course it is possible that some of the innovations were
developed earlier, but only later surface in the archaeological record.
The sources indicate a technical change in almost all aspects of farming,
52
agriculture in sweden 800 bc–ad 1000
from the harvest to the processing of produce. It is only in tillage that
there seem to have been no changes from the previous period, while
it was now the only newcomers amongst domesticated animals in the
entire Iron Age appeared: hens, geese, and cats.
During the first millennium Bc, iron sickles had gradually replaced
bronze sickles. From the available evidence, the huge increase in the
use of iron implements for harvesting and haymaking began in Sweden
around 200 Bc. For the period 200 Bc to Ad 200, over 260 iron sickles
and leaf-knives (used to gather leaves for fodder) have been found
in Sweden, mainly as grave-goods. They show great variety of form,
indicating that this expansion was based on a long tradition of smithying. Some forms of sickle were well suited to coppicing for leaf-fodder,
while others would have been better used to collect herbs or harvest
cereals by cutting just under the ears. Whatever their specific purpose,
their small size may indicate that harvesting was mainly carried out by
women and children.13
Most of the sickles have been found in simple cremation graves.
Around Ad 200 there was a sudden change, and simple cremation
graves with implements petered out. The harvesting implements that
previously had almost exclusively been placed in graves of a distinctly
female character or in graves with very simple grave-goods now began to
appear in male graves with weapons. The symbolic aspect of depositing
harvesting implements thus shifted from the distinctly female sphere
to one that was generally male. In this new male sphere, new types of
implement appeared. The previous array of different forms that reflected
local traditions was replaced by a smaller selection of harvesting implements, all related to Roman or Celtic types, and noticeably longer than
the previous sickles. It was also at this time a specialized implement for
hay collection was developed – the short scythe – which made for a
much more efficient hay harvest than the previous sickles. The evidence
of the increased importance of haymaking is further underlined by the
first finds of hay-rakes, dating from the third to fourth centuries Ad.
This technological development completes the picture of the crucial
role played by stall-feeding, which by now was well established across
the whole of Scandinavia.
53
the agrarian history of sweden
Rotary querns and bread
Similarly, when it comes to the processing of agricultural produce,
important technological changes occurred in the third and fourth centuries
Ad. The simple saddle quern had long been the only milling implement,
and was still in use well into the Iron Age. But from 100 Bc on, the first
rotary hand-querns came into use in Scandinavia, and by the third and
fourth centuries Ad we know them from settlement sites, burials, and
hill-forts in Uppland, Östergötland, and Bohuslän. It is significant that
the first finds of rotary hand-querns and bread occur at the same time
and in the same type of elite social environment.
Hearths specially designed for baking bread, usually built of stone
and covered with clay, have been found in long-houses in Norrland from
Ad 100–400. Specialized baking ovens have also been found from the
period Ad 200–500. The Tune stone, an important rune-stone found
in the Norwegian province of Østfold, has a runic inscription from
around Ad 400 that explicitly mentions bread:
Ek wiwaR after woduride witadahalaiban worahto r(unorR)
The translation is: ‘I Wiwar, in memory of Woduridar, the lord (‘breadprovider’), made the runes’. The word witandah(a)laiban, the breadprovider, is interpreted as a noble title and a cognate of the Old English
lord. The word for bread is halaiban (Sw. lev, Eng. loaf ). This was the
thin, unleavened bread cooked on special baking stones, of which there
are several finds dating from the Swedish Iron Age.
Amongst the elite sites, which seem to have played a central role in
the cults of the local district, is the settlement at Helgö in Uppland.
Remnants of thirty rather thin loaves of bread were found there in
layers dating to the third and fourth centuries Ad. What makes the
Helgö site spectacular are the numerous finds of rotary querns from
the same period. Rotary querns, pieces of rotary querns, and loaves of
bread were all deposited, apparently repeatedly, on a stone ledge close
to the settlement. If nothing else, the ritual function of the site now
seems well established. In Old Norse cosmology there was a cosmic
quern that controlled time, the seasons, and fertility. Torun Zachrisson
points out that for the ‘metaphor of the cosmic quern to be appreciated,
rotary querns must have been known and used in everyday life’, and this
was apparently the case at the Uppåkra site in Skåne, the elite, fortified
manors in Östergötland, and at Helgö in Uppland. Both the bread
54
agriculture in sweden 800 bc–ad 1000
and the rotary querns seem to have been part of the Roman cultural
baggage introduced in Sweden during this period.14
Wool and textiles
Apart from the clothing found on the bog corpses that have been
recovered (especially in Denmark), only a few complete garments
have survived from the Scandinavian Iron Age. However, the tiny
pieces of cloth that have been preserved in contact with corroding
metal, especially in graves, as well as the evidence of textile-working
tools and animal breeding, can tell us much about changes in textile
production. In the second century Ad, there were the first signs of
sheep being selectively bred for both better wool and specific shades.
From then on, white-wool sheep became increasingly common. The
same period saw an important change in how people dressed. Leather
was no longer used as much as before, and leather clothing vanished
almost completely, as is evident from the finds from bogs and graves
alike, where leather cloaks gave way to long mantles of woven wool
fabric. Leather and fur were no longer the ordinary necessities of life;
they became luxury goods.
The second and third centuries Ad also saw a break with the past in
terms of textile production, as in so many other areas of life. Sheep were
bred to improve the quality of their fleeces and there are also the earliest
indications that the wool was dyed. There are traces of a variety of dyes
in surviving examples of cloth: vegetable dyes such as woad for blue,
madder for red, along with lichen purple and insect cochineal, both
producing shades of red. The first definite signs that the Scandinavians
had begun to use linen cloth occur around Ad 200, although based on
the archaeological remains it seems as if linen clothing did not come
into widespread use until after Ad 600. It is possible that linen was
more common in earlier periods than first appears, but since it does
not survive as well as wool it may be considerably under-represented
in the archaeological record.
There is very little evidence of tools for spinning or weaving before
Ad 100, probably for the simple reason that distaffs were made from
organic material such as wood or bone, and that fabric was generally
woven on round looms without the loomweights that were to be such
important evidence for later periods. From about Ad 100 there was a
rapid change across Scandinavia. In both settlements and graves there
55
the agrarian history of sweden
are finds of spindle-whorls of stone, fired clay, or bronze, which, along
with loomweights of fired clay or soapstone, show that warp-weighted
looms (or vertical-shaft looms) had become far more common. Cloth
with round-loom selvages became ever more rare, matched by an increase
in the amount of cloth with the warp-weighted loom’s characteristic
selvages. While the two-shaft round loom was effective for plain-weave
cloths, the warp-weighted loom, with multiple shafts or heddles, was
much faster to use; something that was necessary for twill weaves.
Shears were another innovation that began to appear as grave-goods
around Ad 100. With their help, sheep could be clipped to produce
large, whole fleeces. Yet right up to the end of the Iron Age, plucking
remained a very common method, especially for the long-staple wool
needed for fine worsted yarns. It was also at this point that people
began to make clothes from pieces clipped or cut out from the long,
full loom widths of cloth woven on warp-weighted looms. Indeed, the
improvement of sheep breeds and the changes to looms and weaving
techniques, plus the introduction of shears, at the same time as leather
clothing faded out – all are indications are that wool-growing and
making clothes had taken on a far greater significance than before.15
Changes in the landscape
These technical changes were coterminous with rapid changes in the
agrarian landscape. Judging by the palaeo-ecological evidence, the first
five centuries Ad were in many regions characterized by the opening up
of large areas to grazing and by an increase in grain cultivation. Field
systems and settlement remains in some areas permit a more detailed
understanding of how the different types of land use acquired a fixed
spatial organization.
On the Baltic islands and in some of the central districts of the
Mälaren valley and what is now the province of Östergötland, the
extensive networks of collapsed stone walls document the division of
the land into enclosed infields and outlying common grazings. On the
islands of Gotland and Öland, and in the central parts of the provinces
of Uppland and Östergötland, these walls are still to be found in the
modern pastures and woodlands. On Gotland, stone-walled enclosures
of this type directly overlie the ‘Celtic fields’, and have been interpreted
as representing an intensification of farming. A more itinerant form
of farming was replaced by the concentration of cultivation in small,
56
agriculture in sweden 800 bc–ad 1000
intensively manured infields.16 On both Öland and Gotland this
development ran parallel with the increased importance of sheep,
and from the archaeo-zoological evidence we can see a clear trend
towards specialized sheep farming on all the Baltic islands. The large
proportion of sheep and goat bones in the material from Gotland and
Öland from this period is in sharp contrast to the general northern
European trend.17
On Öland and in Uppland and Östergötland the remains bear witness
to a spatial organization that was very different from the later territorial
organization of the historical period. Stone walls were frequently used
to enclose small patches of arable land as well as large areas suitable
for haymaking. Meanwhile the pattern of cattle drove-ways gives some
indication of the social organization of grazing, for they were generally
shared by a group of single farms, while in some places the convergence
of several drove-ways on one large common grazing area would seem
to indicate that there was also an overarching structure.18
Such agrarian landscapes are found in a close functional relationship
to houses and farmsteads dated to the first five centuries Ad. In a small
number of cases, the direct stratigraphical dating of these structures
indicates that the basic structure of dry-stone walls enclosing infields and
meadows was in place by that time.19 The expansion of this new system
of grazing organization, with its focus on the farmsteads, came as a sequel
to the abandonment of many of the hearths that are thought to indicate
out-wintering herds. This must be interpreted as an intensification of
livestock farming. Similar large systems of enclosures may also have
existed in other areas, but as wooden fences rather than stone walls.
The wooden fences documented from this period are of two types: a
type of wattle fence, which can often be found close to settlements; and
slanstaket, a simple kind of post-and-rail fence, which because of the
long gaps between poles is much more difficult to identify in archaeological excavations. The latter, which is far less demanding in labour,
would have lent itself to large systems of enclosures.20 Meanwhile, in
other areas of Sweden this expansion took other forms, so that western
Sweden, for example, lacks clear evidence of an enclosure system of
the infield and meadows type. Instead, we find a pattern of strip fields,
which may have started to emerge in the first centuries Ad, as a few
dated fields in Västergötland show, while on the west coast in Halland
these types of field generally do not appear until the beginning of the
second millennium.21
57
the agrarian history of sweden
Stone walls
Infields and meadows
Outlying land
Other ancient remains
0
500
1000m
Figure 2.2 Collapsed stone walls in Särstad, Östergötland, ad 200–500. Note
the long double rows of stone walls, which had been used as cattle paths or
drove-ways. They bear witness to past processes of daily transport of livestock
from common pastures to the farmsteads. Source: Widgren 1986.
In the interior of southern Sweden, cultivation and stone-clearing
continued in the large clearance-cairn fields, many of which had initially
been cleared long before in the first millennium Bc. In these areas no
permanent boundaries were developed between different types of land
use. It has been suggested that this might reflect a form of ley farming,
by which some areas were used as arable, others as hay-meadows, and
the remainder for grazing. While earlier interpretations of these field
systems stressed that they were relicts of the last phase of hand-hoeing
in a system of long-term fallow, there is now growing evidence that
stone-clearing was instead driven by a system based on manuring with
cattle manure and intensive tillage with wooden ards.22
Sedentary farming spread successively northwards from central
Sweden. In Hälsingland there are traces of sedentary agriculture from
400 Bc, in Medelpad from Ad 1–100, and in Ångermanland from
Ad 300–400. In Medelpad and Hälsingland in particular there are
abandoned farm sites that make it possible to reconstruct the Iron
Age farming landscape: some 160 abandoned farms bear witness to a
58
agriculture in sweden 800 bc–ad 1000
settlement expansion that in character and chronology can be compared
with what happened much further south in the province of Östergötland
and on the islands of Gotland and Öland. Today we can find remains of
permanent settlements and their associated grave monuments from that
period even in peripheral and remote areas of Hälsingland, which, after
their abandonment in the mid first millennium, were not permanently
settled again until the medieval period or even later. The agrarian
landscape in these provinces of southern Norrland was characterized
by single farms, with a small cultivated area close to the farmyards, as
can be seen from clearance cairns and other signs of cultivation, such
as positive and negative lynchets. The small fields, perhaps amounting
to little more than a hectare per farm, were intensively manured, while
hay was mainly collected from natural wetlands.23
Social organization
From farm and village up to local and regional centres of power, and
upwards to the level of the various small lands or kingdoms, it is evident
that both agricultural intensification and technological development
took place within the framework of a socially stratified society. In the
rich material of settlement remains from the period Ad 200–600, it
is possible to discern a social hierarchy of settlements that spanned at
least four broad classes.
(i) Small households, perhaps made up of unfree or dependent
persons. The archaeological evidence for such settlements is not overwhelming, but it does exist. Knut Odner’s analysis of a settlement
under a rock shelter in Norway is the model for understanding such
settlements. The most clear-cut examples in present-day Sweden are
small settlements on the outlying grazing on Öland’s thinly vegetated
limestone pavement, which have often been interpreted as the homes
of minor herders, although indications of similar settlements are now
regularly found in larger excavations.
(ii) Medium-sized farms. Probably the largest category. With some
10–12 stalled cattle, they were far larger than the households of group
(i). They are often grouped in a village-like structure together with one
large farm of type (iii).
(iii) Farmsteads that had long-houses with byres for 18–20 stalled cattle.
They can be seen in the archaeological material with a distinctly larger
number of houses, and frequently with a ceremonial hall. They would have
59
the agrarian history of sweden
been able to house a large number of people, possibly including slaves or
other types of dependant labourer. Some of these settlements were fortified
manors surrounded by walls of stone or earth, possibly with palisades.
(iv) ‘Chieftain’ farms, which in their finds of hoards, gold, and
imported goods differ from other settlements. They also often have
finds that indicate that a variety of artisanal products were made there.
Uppåkra in Skåne, Slöinge in Halland, and Helgö in Uppland are
examples of such central places. To date no very large byres have been
found in such settlements; an indication that they did not have their
own large-scale agricultural production, but instead were dependent
on underlying farms and on exchange.
This clear social division is most evident towards the end of the
expansion period, in the fifth and sixth centuries Ad. The fortified
manors and farms of type (iii) may have formed the centres of local
estates, while the settlements of type (iv) were centres for cults, exchange,
and military organization, serving a larger region. The extremely rich,
central settlements often emerged towards the end of this expansion
period, and, in contrast to many of the smaller farms, went on to survive
the decline in the fifth to sixth centuries, thus displaying settlement
continuity throughout the late Iron Age.24
Sixth-century crisis and restructuring
In the fifth and sixth centuries Ad there are many signs of radical changes
to settlements and landscapes. Some 1,800 house-foundations on Gotland
and 1,500 on Öland, clearly visible above ground, bear witness to the
extent of the abandonment. Although the evidence is not as clear (far
fewer house remains are visible above ground), the same seems to have
occurred at settlements with stone-walled enclosures in Östergötland
and Uppland. In the 1950s the evidence was taken by Mårten Stenberger
to mean ‘an almost universal end to occupation’. Based on far more
detailed investigations of the remains of the farmed landscape, Dan
Carlsson later argued that there was a much stronger degree of continuity
at the settlements, and that the apparent discontinuity could partly be
explained by a change in building techniques.25 Yet even if the element
of continuity was stronger than was assumed in the 1950s, the remnants
of several single farmsteads bear witness to a decline in the number of
settlements, or at least a concentration of settlements. Certainly, a definite
lessening of grazing pressure can be seen in the pollen diagrams. Yet
60
agriculture in sweden 800 bc–ad 1000
it is not possible to conclude that all areas were hit equally: it is in the
coastal provinces in the east, from Blekinge in the south to Medelpad
in the north, that the signs of decline are most evident. In the western
part of Sweden there are fewer signs of a decline in grazing pressure.
Moreover, there are clear regional differences within the eastern zone,
where in the midst of the general decline there are indications of an
expansion of human influence on the vegetation in two areas: central
Uppland and the province of Ångermanland. In Uppland this expansion
is directly connected to the growth of a new centre of power at Old
Uppsala. The expansion in Ångermanland represents a shift northwards
from the previously intensively settled areas in the adjacent provinces
of Medelpad and Hälsingland. Developments in the fifth and sixth
centuries Ad thus cannot simply be seen as a crisis that struck all parts
of the country with the same force, nor yet as a general restructuring
of settlements and farming systems.
Instead, to understand the decline we must also have some idea of
the forces that created the preceding expansion. The early Iron Age
political and economic organization must have had a strong capacity
to create economic growth and settlement expansion. The abundant
and rich archaeological material from the first five centuries Ad on the
islands of Öland and Gotland, in eastern central Sweden, and along
the southern part of the Norrland coast must be viewed in the light of
the intensive exploitation of the heartlands of various petty kingdoms.
This expansive period is reflected in both the frequency of archaeological finds and the pollen diagrams. The settlement intensification and
the increased investments in the land in the form of enclosure systems
meant that several earlier innovations – cattle byres, hay-meadows,
and manured fields – were reordered in a new spatial pattern; a pattern
motivated by the demands of the specialized rearing of cattle and sheep.
The enclosures and meadows bear witness to an intensively exploited
landscape – possibly even exploited beyond the bounds of the sustainable.
Unsurprisingly, it is in these central areas that the signs of change have
been best preserved in the landscape. These areas – on the outer fringes
of Roman influence – were probably drawn into international exchange
systems, and part of their agrarian expansion may have been connected
to the surplus production of wool and hides. The development of the
agrarian landscape in the Swedish area cannot be seen in isolation from
the broader political and economic changes in northern Europe.
It was in those areas that had previously seen the greatest expansion
61
the agrarian history of sweden
and had become centres of political and economic development that
the decline was most sharp: Öland, Gotland, Östergötland, and Hälsingland. The most probable explanation for the symptoms of crisis and
regional restructuring in the middle of the first millennium Ad is that
they represent shifts in the balance of power within the Scandinavian
area that in turn influenced surplus production and settlement density.
Late Iron Age expansion, Ad 700–1000
For the late Iron Age (Ad 550–1000) the field evidence from farming
landscapes is much less clear than in the periods that preceded the
crisis and restructuring of the sixth century Ad. The relation between
arable and pasture remained much the same, and there were no evident
technological changes connected with the ensuing restructuring. It is
only with the onset of the Viking Age settlement expansion that we
can document any significant changes, and it is therefore not until
this expansion itself turned into a decline during the late medieval
agrarian crisis that abandoned fields and settlements can again be used
to reconstruct a farming landscape. However, the comparative paucity
of field evidence for the late Iron Age can in some respects be used as
a key to understanding the development of the agrarian landscape.
First, late Iron Age cultivation did not cover the same large areas
as before. Cultivation and settlement became more sedentary and
concentrated, and changes in settlement location and fields became
less common. Second, the sheer abundance of the evidence from the
earlier periods reflects the fact that house foundations (Öland and
Gotland) and enclosures (Öland, Gotland, Östergötland, and Uppland)
were constructed in stone. During the late Iron Age there were still
stone walls erected, but better axes meant that both houses and fences
could largely be constructed in wood. Third, the late Iron Age did not
witness sweeping changes similar to those of the first centuries of the
Christian era, and it was not until the early medieval period (which
corresponds to the European High Middle Ages) that there was a radical
reorganization of agriculture based on new field systems adjusted to
two-course or three-course rotations.
However, in some parts of Sweden – Skåne, the interior of southern
Sweden, and Uppland and Östergötland – it is possible to draw some
conclusions on the development of the agrarian landscape in the late
Iron Age.
62
agriculture in sweden 800 bc–ad 1000
Figure 2.3 Settlement development in an area in interior southern Sweden
as indicated by burial sites (early and late Iron Age) and historically recorded
settlements (medieval period). Source: Gren 2003.
Changes in the landscape
In the southernmost province of Skåne a clear period of change is
documented from the eighth century Ad. Skåne, unlike much of the rest
of Sweden, was by then already a village landscape, and the villages of
the late Iron Age were often located close to or on the same sites as the
later medieval villages. The common grazings became much more open,
to the point of being almost treeless. No large woodlands remained,
and the last few alder carrs had been turned into hay-meadows. At the
same time, rye cultivation increased. Detailed palaeo-ecological analyses
show that rye was sown as an autumn crop, suggesting that the threecourse rotation known in the medieval period may already have been
established: autumn rye–barley–fallow or barley–autumn rye–fallow.26
In the late Iron Age the hitherto extensively cultivated clearancecairn fields in the southern Swedish uplands successively fell out of
use. Fewer new cairns were established, and in some areas heather
invaded the previously open mosaic of woodlands, grassland, and arable
fields. Change was not uniform, for in some areas the clearance-cairn
fields were abandoned as early as the third century Ad; in others they
were worked until the eighth century Ad, while some continued in
63
the agrarian history of sweden
Cemeteries
Arable fields
Stone walls
Boundaries
between hamlets
Farmsteads
Figure 2.4 During the late Iron Age (ad 550–1000) many of the farm and
hamlet territories known from medieval and later sources were established.
The contrast to a previous territorial organization is clear in some areas of
Östergötland and Uppland. Source: Widgren 1983.
use well into the medieval period. The broad trend is mirrored in the
distribution of burial monuments, which indicates that, with time,
settlements and cultivation were concentrated in fewer areas, with
better soils.
In Uppland and Östergötland it is possible to trace a radical change
in the spatial organization of farm boundaries by comparing the stone-
64
agriculture in sweden 800 bc–ad 1000
walled enclosures (c. Ad 400) and the farm territories of the late Iron
Age (c. Ad 700). In the first period, large systems of enclosures and
cattle drove-ways connected several farms in a village-like pattern. These
extensive stone-walled enclosures often covered land that later would
be held by several different farms and hamlets. Some time during the
late Iron Age – probably at least by Ad 700 – distinctive new forms of
burials monuments appeared. The mound-like stone settings of the late
Iron Age are clearly distinguishable from the earlier, lower monuments.
The spatial pattern of the cemeteries also changed. During the early
Iron Age there was of a mixture of dispersed grave monuments and
a few very large cemeteries with low stone settings of different kinds.
During the late Iron Age, a pattern of several small cemeteries with the
characteristic grave forms emerges. In some cases these new cemeteries
were sited on abandoned drove-ways from the older system, indicating
a clear break with the old pattern of land use. Generally, the late Iron
Age cemeteries also often have a distinctive spatial connection to the
farm, hamlet, and village lands documented in the earliest cadastral
maps dating from the seventeenth century. These are the named farms
we find in the medieval records. The previously large enclosure systems
were thus replaced by the historical, territorial structure of farms and
hamlets, each with their own lands. This indicates a radical shift in
the way land was held, and can probably be connected to increasingly
centralized power over land and landholding. The changes in the agrarian
landscape in this period are thus more related to new social structures
than to basic changes in farming practices and land use.27
Expansion of cultivation
The two maps (Fig. 2.5) show the distribution of cereal cultivation in
the Roman Iron Age (Ad 1–400) and the Viking period (Ad 800–1000),
based on the pollen record. If the first map is compared with the
distribution of settlement and agriculture at the end of the Bronze Age
(500 Bc), it will be seen that the growth in the first four centuries Ad
did not in fact lead to an expansion of agriculture as such. The early
Iron Age development thus had the character of an intensification of
cultivation and settlement in areas that had been used more extensively
during earlier periods. This was particularly the case in the southern
and central wooded areas of Sweden, while it was mainly along the
northern coast that agriculture really expanded in this period.
65
the agrarian history of sweden
Figure 2.5 Occurrence of cereal cultivation according to pollen diagrams.
Source: National Atlas of Sweden 1994.
During the late Iron Age, by contrast, the area where agriculture was
practised expanded much further north; in fact, the whole area where
barley could be cultivated without too much risk was taken into use
during this expansion. Part of the expansion, especially in the southern
part of Norrland, was closely linked to the increase in iron production.
In particular, the growth of iron production in the province of Dalarna
bears witness to the increased regional division of labour during the
late Iron Age that ultimately formed the basis for the new centre of
power in Uppland.
Late Iron Age crops and livestock
Hulled barley was still the dominant crop in all parts of Sweden in
the late Iron Age, but, in contrast to the early Iron Age, new regional
specializations started to appear. It was at this time that there were the
first signs of a shift towards the regional distribution of crops similar to
that known from later, historical periods. In southernmost Sweden the
cultivation of rye increased, probably in connection with changes in
dietary preference for leavened rye bread, but also perhaps because an
autumn-sown crop reduced the demand for labour by moving part of
66
agriculture in sweden 800 bc–ad 1000
Figure 2.6 The distribution of bone fragments at five different archaeological sites from the Viking Age. Lignåre and Pollista were rural settlements,
Granby-Hyppinge and Fornsigtuna elite rural settlements, and Sigtuna an
early urban settlement.
the hectic period of tillage and sowing from the spring to the autumn. In
Halland in south-west Sweden, the archaeo-botanical evidence from the
late Iron Age shows an unmistakable increase in the cultivation of oats,
which, along with the use of oats in bread, is also well documented in the
region in later, historical periods. In the Mälaren valley in eastern central
Sweden, barley dominated, but wheat retained a special role throughout
the first millennium. In northern Sweden barley dominated throughout
the first millennium, as it continued to do until modern times.
In northern and central Europe the eighth century Ad saw the beginning of a general change in the livestock economy. Until then cattle had
clearly dominated, with the keeping of sheep and pigs little more than
a sideline. From now on pig-keeping took an ever-more important role,
and their bones predominate in the archaeological record. This partly
reflects the dawning of urbanization, but also fundamental changes
in agriculture and landscape, for with larger arable acreages and the
introduction of crop rotations and regular two- and three-course systems
there was less and less grazing available. While pig-keeping had once
characterized the deciduous woodlands, they now became important
domestic animals raised on the fully cultivated plains. The region that
is now Sweden did not match this general development, yet it is still
possible to see a greater role played by the consumption of pork. The
development in southernmost Sweden was largely in line with the rest
of Europe, albeit on a smaller scale. In the rest of Sweden, the high
67
the agrarian history of sweden
consumption of pork has been documented mainly at a number of elite
sites. This is clearly illustrated by a comparison of five different Viking
Age sites in Uppland (Fig. 2.6). Fornsigtuna and Granby Hyppinge
were elite rural settlements, while Sigtuna was an urban settlement.
Iron tools and increased labour productivity
The later Iron Age (Ad 600–1000) is characterized by a sharp increase
in the use of iron for agricultural implements. While iron ard-shares
first came into use around 700 Bc in Europe, there are no equivalent
Scandinavian finds: the first iron ard-share found in Sweden came from
the settlement at Vallhagar on Gotland, and has been dated to the
fifth or sixth century Ad. It is almost contemporaneous with another
find from the fortified settlement at Darsgärde. In spite of the small
number of finds in Sweden, we can document three different types of
small ard-share in the later Iron Age: short and broad (Vallhagar); long
and narrow (Darsgärde); and winged (Skåne). From the late Iron Age
there are two finds of ard bodies, of which one shows clear signs of
having been built to carry an iron ard-share. During the late Iron Age
ard-shares were seldom longer than 10 cm. In the medieval and early
modern periods ard-shares could be up to 30 cm long.
During the late Iron Age a longer scythe was also introduced. Settle­
ment finds and a few grave finds from Sweden, along with hundreds
of grave finds from Norway, give a clear picture of the development
of harvesting implements during the latter part of the Iron Age (Ad
500–1000). Along with a large number of sickles, there are also finds
of short-scythes longer than 30 cm. The long-scythe (up to 50 cm) is
represented in Sweden only with a few finds dated to before Ad 1000,
but in Norway long-scythes occur from the eighth century, and there
is good reason to believe they were common in Sweden also.
In an experiment in the 1930s, Axel Steensberg compared flint and
bronze implements of different kinds, but all of much the same size (17
cm), with a 30 cm short-scythe from the Roman Iron Age (Ad 1–400)
and a 50 cm long-scythe from the Viking Age. This experiment showed
that cereal harvesting and haymaking was much more efficient in the
late Iron Age than it had been in earlier periods. Nevertheless, as can be
seen in Fig. 2.7, the length of the implement may be more important
than the material, be it flint, bronze, or iron. The earliest iron sickles had
much the same capacity as the bronze sickles, harvesting some 400 m2
68
agriculture in sweden 800 bc–ad 1000
Figure 2.7 The relationship between blade length and harvested area per day’s
work for different types of prehistoric harvesting implement. A – flint sickle
without handle; B – crescent-shaped sickle in flint or bronze with a short handle;
C – bronze knob-sickle; D – iron short-scythe; E – iron long-scythe (based
on data in Steensberg 1943).
a day. The first real short-scythes harvested almost twice the area in the
same time. With a late Iron Age long-scythe, it was possible to harvest
four times the area as with a flint sickle of the Stone or Bronze Age type.
There was thus a close link between the increased role of specialized iron
production and productivity in farming.
During the expansive period of the late Iron Age we can also see a
change in building techniques. The long tradition of long-houses – with
cattle and humans dwelling in the same building – waned. People began
to build smaller houses in which the walls carried the full weight of the
roof. These new, smaller houses were built with a variety of methods,
including timber-framing with plank walls, wattle-and-daub (as before),
and jointed logs; what they all shared was their relatively small size.
These departures from the Iron Age long-house tradition meant that
stalling and other functions were rehoused in smaller buildings separate
from the dwelling-house. In other words, the end of the Iron Age saw
a transition from multi-function houses to numerous single-function
constructions. This change, which started in the eighth century, can be
seen as a response to two new issues. It reflects an adjustment to smaller
69
the agrarian history of sweden
households, each with fewer cattle – the number of stalled cattle per
household clearly dropped in the late Iron Age – and is also related to
advances in wood technology. With the advent of specialized carpentry
axes the craft of carpentry became more efficient.
The social and economic context
It was once thought that Scandinavian societies in the late Iron Age
were centred on free and equal landowning farmers, whose land rights
were based on inheritance. This was contrasted to much of continental
Europe, where a more feudal system was already in place. In recent
years this view has been much debated, especially in Norway, and it is
now generally accepted that different forms of landholding existed side
by side, and that an informal type of tenancy was developed before it
became formalized in the medieval period.28
In earlier research it was also argued that Scandinavia was a clanbased society, and that land was held by kinship groups rather than
by individual lords. It is now understood that the runic inscriptions
from the Viking Age depict a kinship system that was not based on
patrilineal clans, and instead displays all the signs of bilateral kinship.
Men raised rune-stones to their brothers-in-law, their stepsons, and
their fathers-in-law. Women could inherit land and pass it on to their
descendants. The late Viking Age runic inscriptions not only tell us
about the people in whose memory they were raised, but also about
farms and landed property. The rune-stone at Ågersta in Uppland serves
as a boundary marker between two properties, and reads
Vidhugse had this stone raised in memory of Särev, his noble father.
He lived at Ågersta. Here shall stand the stone between the farms. Let
that dræng read who rune-wise is those the runes that Balle carved.
The rune-stones are monuments raised to the dead, but they also
functioned as title deeds. On the rune-stone at Veda in Uppland
we learn that Torsten ‘bought this farm, and made the money east
in Garðaríki ’. The runic evidence thus clearly shows that land was
in fact held by individuals, and that it could be inherited and sold.
Furthermore, rune-stones occasionally provide evidence of one man
owning several farms, as is the case in Uppland (Älgesta and Nora),
where we can document a family estate with farms as far as thirty
70
agriculture in sweden 800 bc–ad 1000
kilometres apart. Similarly, in Hälsingland the Malsta rune-stone is
interpreted as showing that Hä-Gylfe owned the hamlet of Malsta as
well as the three hamlets Åkern, Bästdal, and Stamnäs further north.29
Along with place names, runic inscriptions also testify to a group of
men who were entitled to hold land by virtue of their position in a
military organization under a king or chief. The place names Karleby,
Rinkeby (or Rickeby), Svenneby, and Tegneby refer to karlar, rinkar,
sveinar, and thegnar ; all ranks in the retinue of a chieftain.
As recent research has highlighted, the difference between the continental, feudal system of land tenure and Scandinavian Viking Age tenure
is smaller than previously thought. Studies of medieval landownership
in Östergötland indicate that the king and his followers owned large
areas of land there in the Viking Age. Early large-scale landownership
is also documented from the Jarlabanke rune-stones in Uppland, one
of which states that Jarlabanke owned ‘this hundred’ or district. Stefan
Brink concludes that the information suggests that
a high leader in society could own or at least control large areas of
arable land and thus presumably farms. He could probably handle
these farms and lands at will, placing slaves to work entire farms or
pieces of land, or distributing farms and land to tenants.30
There is a close relationship between the increased centralization of
political power and landholding and the development of Viking Age
agriculture. Increased capital investment in agriculture in the form of
new and more efficient agricultural iron implements served to increase
labour productivity. This formed the basis for a new division of labour,
both socially and geographically, which marked a clear change from the
previous period. The economic basis of what once were small kingdoms
or lands (Ad 200–600) was partly a local food exchange system and partly
a highly specialized international exchange of raw material for textiles
and of prestige goods. By contrast, in the late Iron Age there were many
signs that the regional division of labour was increasing. Specialized
iron production expanded in the interior of central Sweden and in
the north. Inter-regional trade in iron – for weapons and agricultural
tools – gathered pace. The trade in quernstones, soapstone cauldrons,
whetstones, textiles, and other objects was also very much part of this
new inter-regional exchange. It was as a direct result of this trade that
new political centres emerged in Uppland in the Mälaren valley.
71
the agrarian history of sweden
2. Agriculture in Sweden 800 bc–ad 1000
1 For southernmost Sweden, see Berglund et al. 1991, 417 and passim; for biodiversity,
see Berglund et al. 2008; for northern Sweden, see Engelmark 1976, 99.
2 Grigg 1974, 152; Myrdal 2006a, 117.
3 Myrdal 1984; Olausson 1999; for the broad European context, see Roymans 1999;
and Zimmerman 1999.
4 For Östergötland, see Petersson 2001; for Uppland, see Apel et al. 2007; and for
Skåne, see Welinder 2009.
5 Myrdal 1984; Zimmerman 1999.
6 Lagerås 2002, 406–407.
7 On the clearance of alder carrs, Berglund et al. 1991, 430, write that it was
‘probably for hay-cutting and grazing as well as for fuel’. Some researchers have
interpreted this as a natural development while others have seen it as a deliberate
clearance to create hay-meadows or pastures (Iversen 1973; Göransson 1977).
Rasmussen 2005 documents such changes around 650 BC on Funen, Denmark’s
third-largest island, and interprets them as the creation of hay-meadows. For the
specific evidence, based on species composition, see Lagerås 2002, 406–407; and
Gaillard et al. 1994, 62.
8 Brongers 1976; Bradley 1978; Fries 1995; Spek et al. 2003; Kooistra & Maas 2008;
and Lang 2007, 96–105.
9 For Gotland, see Lindquist 1974; and Carlsson 1979; for Denmark, Nielsen 1984;
for Skåne, Nordholm 1937; Hannerberg 1958; and Martens 2008.
10 Pedersen & Jönsson 2003; Skoglund 2005; Lagerås 2002; and Lagerås & Regnell
1999.
11 Changes in Iron Age crops have been treated by Hjelmqvist 1979; Engelmark 1992;
van der Veen & Palmer 1997; Willerding 1980, 135; Viklund 1998; Skoglund 1999;
and Robinson 2003. Engelmark 1992 argues that the reason for the increase in hulled
barley was that it responded better to manure, cf. Lagerås & Regnéll 1999.
12 Brink 2008a.
13 Penack 1993.
14 For Iron Age bread in Sweden, see Hansson 1997 and Bergström 2007; for Helgö
and rotary querns, see Zachrisson 2004; for the Tune stone, see Brink 2008b.
15 Bender Jørgensen 1986, 1992.
16 For Gotland, see Lindquist 1974; for Öland, see Fallgren 1993.
17 Benecke 1994a; id. 1994b.
18 Widgren 1983.
19 Stone walls were in use throughout the first millennium ad and into historic
times. The direct stratigraphic datings that can be firmly connected to the spatial
organization described here are still few, and are frequently contradictory. Petersson
2008 argues that the dry-stone wall enclosures might be considerably younger, cf.
Widgren in MS.
20 Eklund 2007.
21 Widgren 1990; Connelid & Rosén 1997.
22 Gren 2003 makes the case for bush fallowing and hoeing; Lagerås & Bartholin 2003
interpret the farming system in a clearance-cairn field as one based on manuring
and the use of ards; Pedersen & Jönsson 2003 also argue for ard tillage; see also
Hammar 2003.
272
notes
23 Liedgren 1992.
24 Widgren 1998 lays out this categorization in detail, using analyses provided by
Odner 1972; Enckell et al. 1979; Fallgren 1993; Herschend 1993; and Olausson
1997.
25 Stenberger 1955, 1168; Carlsson 1979; id. 1984.
26 Berglund 1991.
27 Widgren 1983.
28 See Iversen 2005 and Skre 2001 for overviews of the Norwegian debate.
29 For the text and possible interpretations of the rune inscriptions, see Sven B.F.
Jansson 1987; for an interpretation of the Malsta stone, see also Brink 1999.
30 Berg 2005; Brink 1999.
3. Farming and feudalism 1000–1700
1 Kulturhistoriskt lexikon för nordisk medeltid 1–22 and a catalogue of its articles
on agriculture in Myrdal 1982. Generally on agriculture, see Myrdal 1985; and
Myrdal 1999a.
2 For ‘source pluralism’ as a method, see Myrdal 2008.
3 Söderberg & Myrdal 2002; for village maps, see Tollin 1991.
4 Ganshof in 1944 formulated the defence of the ‘narrow’ definition, and Reynolds
1994 has been foremost among critics of this narrow definition. French historiography has been more positive to fiefs as a core concept of ‘feudalism’. Articles
in Poly & Bournazel 1998 give not only a European overview but also examples
from other cultures.
5 Bloch published in French 1939–1940 an important book translated into English
in 1961; see also the foreword by Postan 1961.
6 Hilton 1992, 9–11 for a broad definition, but in the Marxist tradition; Bois 1992,
84–5 has a similar approach and stresses the role of the market economy. From
a non-Marxist view-point Hatcher & Bailey 2001, 76–7 explain that to equate
serfdom with feudalism is a gross simplification.
7 For an overview of medieval data, see Myrdal 2010b; for early modern data, see
Palm 2000; and Edvinsson 2009, whose figures are closer to Myrdal 1999a, 222,
though the difference between Palm and Edvinsson is not dramatic.
8 Recent archaeological and palaeo-ecological research is summarized in Lagerås
2007; for studies of individual villages, see Åstrand 2007 for south Sweden; and
Svensson 2008 for central Sweden.
9 Duby 1968, 87, 164–5, 198–200.
10 Wallerström 1995.
11 For the granges of Alvastra, see Holmström & Tollin 1990.
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