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The German Expansion in Eastern Europe

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The German Expansion in Eastern Europe
www.wartimespeeches.net
section 02 - the German Expansion in Eastern Europe
The German Expansion
in
Eastern Europe
Index of Speeches:
Resignation Speech
page 03
Proclamation of Austrian Anschluss
page 04
Speech in Piazza Venezia
page 06
Speech in Piazza Venezia
page 07
Czechoslovakia Prepares for War
page 08
Message to the German Führer
page 09
Speech against the Versailles Treaty
page 10
Message to the British Prime Minister
page 11
Speech on Czechoslovakian Crisis
page 12
Munich Agreement Speech
page 13
Munich Agreement Speech
page 14
Defense of Freedom Speech
page 16
Announcement of the Fall of Barcelona
page 18
Speech on Judenfrage
page 19
Declaration after Czech Invasion
page 20
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Ventennale dei Fasci Speech
page 21
Announcement of the End of the Spanish Civilian War
page 23
Announcement of the End of the Spanish Civilian War
page 24
Announcement of the Annexation of Albania
page 25
Victory Speech
page 26
On the Signature of the Stahlpakt
page 27
Declaration of the Former Czech Ambassador in London
page 28
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Resignation Speech
Kurt von Schuschnigg
March 11, 1938
Österreicher und Österreicherinnen!
Der heutige Tag hat uns vor eine schwere und entscheidende Situation gestellt. Ich
bin beauftragt, dem österreichischen Volke über die Ereignisse des Tages zu
berichten:
Die Deutsche Reichsregierung hat dem Herrn Bundespräsidenten ein befristetes
Ultimatum gestellt, nach dem der Herr Bundespräsident einen ihm vorgeschlagenen
Kandidaten zum Bundeskanzler zu ernennen und die Regierung nach den
Vorschlägen der deutschen Reichsregierung zu bestellen hätte, widrigenfalls der
Einmarsch deutscher Truppen in Österreich für diese Stunde in Aussicht genommen
wurde.
Ich stelle fest vor der Welt, dass die Nachrichten, die in Österreich verbreitet
wurden, dass Arbeiterunruhen gewesen seien, dass Ströme von Blut geflossen seien,
dass die Regierung nicht Herrin der Lage wäre und aus eigenem nicht hätte
Ordnung machen können, von A bis Z erfunden sind.
Der Herr Bundespräsident beauftragt mich, dem österreichischen Volke mitzuteilen,
dass wir der Gewalt weichen. Wir haben, weil wir um keinen Preis, auch in diesen
ernsten Stunden nicht, deutsches Blut zu vergießen gesonnen sind, unserer
Wehrmacht den Auftrag gegeben, für den Fall, dass der Einmarsch durchgeführt
wird, ohne Widerstand sich zurückzuziehen und die Entscheidung der nächsten
Stunden abzuwarten. Der Herr Bundespräsident hat den General der Infanterie
Schilhawsky, Generaltruppeninspektor, mit der Führung der Wehrmacht betraut.
Durch ihn werden die weiteren Weisungen für die Wehrmacht ergehen.
So verabschiede ich mich in dieser Stunde von dem österreichischen Volk mit einem
deutschen Wort und einem Herzenswunsch: Gott schütze Österreich!
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Announcement of Austrian Anschluss
Adolf Hitler
March 15, 1938
Deutsche Männer und Frauen!
In wenigen Tagen hat sich innerhalb der deutschen Volksgemeinschaft eine
Umwälzung vollzogen, die wir heute wohl in ihrem Umfange sehen, deren
Bedeutung aber erst spätere Geschlechter ganz ermessen werden.
Es ist in den letzten Jahren von den Machthabern des nunmehr beseitigten Regimes
oft von der besonderen Mission gesprochen worden, die in ihren Augen dieses Land
zu erfüllen hätte. Ein Führer der Legitimisten hat sie in einer Denkschrift genau
umrissen. Nach ihr war es die Aufgabe dieser sogenannten Selbständigkeit des
Landes Österreich, die in den Friedensverträgen fundiert und von der Gnade des
Auslandes abhängig war, die Bildung eines wahrhaft großen Deutschen Reiches zu
verhindern und damit den Weg in die Zukunft des deutschen Volkes zu verriegeln.
Ich proklamiere nunmehr für dieses Land seine neue Mission. Sie entspricht dem
Gebote, das einst die deutschen Siedler aus allen Gauen des Altreiches hieher
berufen hat: Die älteste Ostmark des deutschen Volkes soll von jetzt ab das jüngste
Bollwerk der deutschen Nation und damit des Deutschen Reiches sein.
Jahrhundertelang haben sich in den unruhevollen Zeiten der Vergangenheit die
Stürme des Ostens an den Grenzen der alten Mark gebrochen. Jahrhundertelang,
für alle Zukunft soll sie nunmehr ein eiserner Garant sein für die Sicherheit und
Freiheit des Deutschen Reiches und damit ein Unterpfand für das Glück und für den
Frieden unseres großen Volkes.
Und ich weiß: die alte Ostmark des Deutschen Reiches wird ihrer neuen Aufgabe
genauso gerecht werden, wie sie die alte einst gelöst und gemeistert hat.
Ich spreche im Namen der Millionen dieses wunderschönen deutschen Landes, im
Namen der Steirer, der Nieder- und Oberösterreicher, der Kärntner, der Salzburger,
der Tiroler und vor allem im Namen der Stadt Wien, wenn ich es den in diesem
Augenblick zuhörenden 68 Millionen übrigen deutschen Volksgenossen in unserem
weiten Reich versichere:
Dies Land ist deutsch, es hat seine Mission begriffen, es wird diese erfüllen, und es
soll an Treue zur großen deutschen Volksgemeinschaft von niemandem jemals
überboten werden.
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Unsere Aufgabe aber wird es nun sein, durch Arbeit, Fleiß und gemeinsames
Einstehen und Zusammenstehen die großen sozialen, kulturellen und
wirtschaftlichen Aufgaben zu lösen, vor allem aber Österreich immer mehr zu einer
Trutzburg nationalsozialistischer Gesinnung und nationalsozialistischer
Willenskraft zu entwickeln und auszubauen.
Ich kann diesen Appell an Sie aber nicht schließen, ohne nun der Männer zu
gedenken, die es mir mit ermöglicht haben, die große Wende in so kurzer Zeit mit
Gottes Hilfe herbeizuführen.
Ich danke den nationalsozialistischen Mitgliedern der Regierung, an ihrer Spitze
dem neuen Reichsstatthalter Seyß-Inquart. Ich danke den zahllosen
Parteifunktionären, ich danke aber vor allem den ungezählten namenlosen
Idealisten, den Kämpfern unserer Formationen, die in den langen Jahren der
Verfolgung bewiesen haben, dass der Deutsche, unter Druck gesetzt, nur noch
härter wird.
Diese Jahre der Leidenszeit haben mich in meiner Überzeugung vom Wert des
deutschösterreichischen Menschen im Rahmen unserer großen Volksgemeinschaft
nur bestärkt. Die wunderbare Ordnung und Disziplin dieses gewaltigen Geschehens
ist aber auch ein Beweis für die Kraft der diese Menschen beseelenden Idee. Ich kann
somit in dieser Stunde dem deutschen Volke die größte Vollzugsmeldung meines
Lebens abstatten:
Als Führer und Kanzler der deutschen Nation und des Reiches melde ich vor der
Geschichte nunmehr den Eintritt meiner Heimat in das Deutsche Reich!
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Speech in Piazza Venezia
Benito Mussolini
May 07, 1938
L’Italia fascista non conosce che una sola legge etica nell’amicizia, quella che io
ricordai davanti al popolo tedesco al Campo di Maggio. A questa legge ha obbedito,
obbedisce e obbedirà la collaborazione tra la Germania nazista e l’Italia fascista. Le
premesse e gli obiettivi di questa collaborazione, consacrata nell’asse Roma Berlino, noi le abbiamo costantemente e apertamente affermati.
La Germania e l’Italia hanno lasciato dietro di sé le utopie alle quali l’Europa aveva
ciecamente affidato le sue sorti, per cercare tra loro e per cercare con gli altri un
regime di convivenza internazionale che possa instaurare equamente per tutti
garanzie più effettive di giustizia, di sicurezza e di pace. A questo si può giungere
soltanto quando gli elementari diritti di ciascun popolo, a vivere, a lavorare e a
difendersi, siano lealmente riconosciuti e l’equilibrio politico corrisponda alla realtà
delle forze storiche che lo costituiscono e lo determinano. Noi siamo convinti che è
su questa via che le nazioni d’Europa troveranno quella tranquillità e quella pace che
sono indispensabili a preservare le basi stesse della civiltà europea.
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Speech in Piazza Venezia
Adolf Hitler
May 07, 1938
Es ist mein unerschütterlicher Wille und mein Vermächtnis an das deutsche Volk,
dass es deshalb die von der Natur zwischen uns beiden aufgerichtete Alpengrenze
für immer als eine unantastbare ansieht.
Ich weiß, dass sich dann für Rom und Germanien eine große und segensreiche
Zukunft ergeben wird.
Duce! Und so wie Sie und Ihr Volk in entscheidungsreichen Tagen die Freundschaft
gehalten haben, werde ich und mein Volk Italien in schwerer Stunde gleiche
Freundschaft beweisen.
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Czechoslovakia Prepares for War
Edvard Beneš
September 10, 1938
Czechoslovakia is prepared to defend her territory and will not voluntarily give up
any part of it.
The army is equipped with modern arms, and the firm determination of the people
to defend their democratic government compensates for what may be lacking in the
numerical strength of the army.
The soldiers know that they would be defending a just cause.
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Message to the German Führer
Unknown Speaker on BBC
September 14, 1938
The Prime Minister has sent the German Fuehrer and Chancellor, through His
Majesty’s Ambassador to Berlin, the following message:
―In view of the increasingly critical situation, I propose to come over at once to see
you with the view to trying to find a peaceful solution. I propose to come across by
air and I am ready to start tomorrow.‖
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Speech against the Versailles Treaty
Benito Mussolini
September 26, 1938
Camicie Nere di Verona – di questa mia un poco molto Verona, di questa Verona
romana, bersaglieresca, fascista nell'anima fin dalla Vigilia!
Con questa maestosa adunata di popolo, accompagnata da uno schieramento superbo
di forze, si chiude il mio viaggio tra le genti del Veneto, e il mio pellegrinaggio sui
Campi sacri delle nostre gloriose battaglie.
È inutile che i diplomatici si affatichino ancora per salvare Versailles. L'Europa che
fu costruita a Versailles – spesso con una piramidale ignoranza della geografia e
della storia – questa Versailles agonizza. La sua sorte si decide in questa settimana.
È in questa settimana che può sorgere la nuova Europa: l'Europa della giustizia per
tutti e della riconciliazione fra i popoli.
Camicie Nere, noi del Littorio siamo per questa nuova Europa.
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Message to the British Prime Minister
Adolf Hitler
September 26, 1938
Ich bin Mr. Chamberlain dankbar für alle seine Bemühungen. Ich habe ihm weiter
versichert und wiederhole es hier, dass es – wenn dieses Problem gelöst ist — für
Deutschland in Europa kein territoriales Problem mehr gibt!
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Speech on Czechoslovakian Crisis
Neville Chamberlain
September 27, 1938
How horrible, fantastic, incredible it is that we should be digging trenches and
trying on gas masks here because of a quarrel in a faraway country between people
of whom we know nothing. It seems still more impossible that a quarrel which has
already been settled in principle should be the subject of war.
We have to fight it must be on larger issues than that. I am myself a man of peace to
the depths of my soul. Armed conflict between nations is a nightmare to me; but if I
were convinced that any nation had made up its mind to dominate the world by fear
of its force, I should feel that it must be resisted. Under such a domination life for
people who believe in liberty would not be worth living; but war is a fearful thing,
and we must be very clear, before we embark on it, that it is really the great issues
that are at stake.
For the present I ask you to await as calmly as you can the events of the next few
days. As long as war has not begun, it may be prevented, and you know that I am
going to work for peace to the last moment.
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Munich Agreement Speech
Neville Chamberlain
September 30, 1938
This morning I had another talk with the German Chancellor, Herr Hitler, and here
is the paper which bears his name upon it as well as mine. Some of you, perhaps,
have already heard what it contains. But I would just like to read it to you:
―We, the German Fuhrer and Chancellor, and the British Prime Minister, have had
a further meeting today and are agreed in recognizing that the question of AngloGerman relations is of the first importance for our two countries and for Europe.
We regard the agreement signed last night, and the Anglo-German Naval
Agreement, as symbolic of the desire of our two peoples never to go to war with one
another again‖.
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Munich Agreement Speech
Winston Churchill
October 5, 1938
We really must not waste time after all this long Debate upon the difference
between the positions reached at Berchtesgaden, at Godesberg and at Munich. No
one has been a more resolute and uncompromising struggler for peace than the
Prime Minister. Everyone knows that. Never has there been such instance and
undaunted determination to maintain and secure peace. That is quite true.
Nevertheless, I am not quite clear why there was so much danger of Great Britain
or France being involved in a war with Germany at this juncture if, in fact, they
were ready all along to sacrifice Czechoslovakia.
The terms which the Prime Minister brought back with him could easily have been
agreed, I believe, through the ordinary diplomatic channels at any time during the
summer. And I will say this, that I believe the Czechs, left to themselves and told
they were going to get no help from the Western Powers, would have been able to
make better terms than they have got after all this tremendous perturbation; they
could hardly have had worse.
All is over. Silent, mournful, abandoned, broken, Czechoslovakia recedes into the
darkness. She has suffered in every respect by her association with the Western
democracies and with the League of Nations, of which she has always been an
obedient servant. She has suffered in particular from her association with France,
under whose guidance and policy she has been actuated for so long. The very
measures taken by His Majesty's Government in the Anglo-French Agreement to
give her the best chance possible, namely, the 50 per cent, clean cut in certain
districts instead of a plebiscite, have turned to her detriment, because there is to be a
plebiscite too in wide areas, and those other Powers who had claims have also come
down upon the helpless victim.
What I find unendurable is the sense of our country falling into the power, into the
orbit and influence of Nazi Germany, and of our existence becoming dependent
upon their good will or pleasure. It is to prevent that that I have tried my best to
urge the maintenance of every bulwark of defense - first, the timely creation of an
Air Force superior to anything within striking distance of our shores; secondly, the
gathering together of the collective strength of many nations; and thirdly, the
making of alliances and military conventions, all within the Covenant, in order to
gather together forces at any rate to restrain the onward movement of this power. It
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has all been in vain. Every position has been successively undermined and
abandoned on specious and plausible excuses.
I do not grudge our loyal, brave people, who were ready to do their duty no matter
what the cost, who never flinched under the strain of last week. I do not grudge
them the natural, spontaneous outburst of joy and relief when they learned that the
hard ordeal would no longer be required of them at the moment; but they should
know the truth. They should know that there has been gross neglect and deficiency
in our defenses; they should know that we have sustained a defeat without a war, the
consequences of which will travel far with us along our road; they should know that
we have passed an awful milestone in our history, when the whole equilibrium of
Europe has been deranged, and that the terrible words have for the time being been
pronounced against the Western democracies: "Thou art weighed in the balance and
found wanting".
And do not suppose that this is the end. This is only the beginning of the reckoning.
This is only the first sip, the first foretaste of a bitter cup which will be proffered to
us year by year unless by a supreme recovery of moral health and martial vigor, we
arise again and take our stand for freedom as in the older time.
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Defense of Freedom Speech
Winston Churchill
October 16, 1938
Alexander the Great remarked that the peoples of Asia were slaves because they had
not learned to pronounce the word ―No‖. Let that not be the epitaph of the Englishspeaking peoples or of Parliamentary democracy, or of France, or of the many
surviving liberal States of Europe.
There, in one single word, is the resolve which the forces of freedom and progress,
of tolerance and good will should take. It is not in the power of one nation, however
formidably armed, still less it is in the power of a small group of men, violent,
ruthless men, who have always to cast their eyes back over their shoulders, to cramp
and fetter the forward march of human destiny. The preponderant world forces are
upon our side; they have but to be combined to be obeyed. We must arm. Britain
must arm. America must arm.
We shall, no doubt, arm. Britain, casting away the habits of centuries, will decree
national service upon her citizens.
But arms - instrumentalities, as President Wilson called them - are not sufficient by
themselves. We must add to them the power of ideas. People say we ought not to
allow ourselves to be drawn into a theoretical antagonism between Nazi domination
and democracy; but the antagonism is here now. You see these dictators on their
pedestals, surrounded by the bayonets of their soldiers and the truncheons of their
police. They are afraid of words and thoughts; words spoken abroad, thoughts
stirring at home - all the more powerful because forbidden - terrify them. A little
mouse of thought appears in the room, and even the mightiest potentates are
thrown into panic. They make frantic efforts to bar our thoughts and words; they
are afraid of the workings of the human mind.
A state of society where men may not speak their minds, where children denounce
their parents to the police, where a business man or small shopkeeper ruins his
competitor by telling tales about his private opinions; such a state of society cannot
long endure if brought into contact with the healthy outside world. The light of
civilized progress with its tolerances and co-operation, with its dignities and joys,
has often been blotted out. But I hold the belief that we have now at last got far
enough ahead of barbarism to control it, and to avert it, if only we realize what is
afoot and make up our minds in good time.
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Is this a call to war? Does anyone pretend that preparations for resistance against
aggression is unleashing war? I declare it to be the sole guarantee of peace, the
finest and the surest prospect of peace.
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Announcement of the Fall of Barcelona
Benito Mussolini
January 29, 1939
Il grido della vostra esultanza pienamente legittima si fonde con quello che sale da
tutte le città della Spagna – oramai completamente liberata dall’infamia dei Rossi – e
con quello degli anti-bolscevichi di tutto il mondo. La splendida vittoria di
Barcellona è un altro capitolo della storia della nuova Europa che noi stiamo
creando.
Dalle magnifiche truppe di Franco dai nostri intrepidi legionari non è stato battuto
soltanto il governo di Negrin: molti altri tra i nostri nemici mordono, in questo
momento, la polvere.
La parola d'ordine dei rossi era questa: ―No pasarán‖. Siamo passati! E vi dico che
passeremo!
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Speech on the Judenfrage
January 30, 1939
Adolf Hitler
Europa kann nicht eher zur Ruhe kommen, bevor die jüdische Frage ausgeräumt ist.
Die Welt hat Siedlungsraum genügend, es muss aber endgültig mit der Meinung
gebrochen werden, als sei das jüdische Volk vom lieben Gott eben dazu bestimmt, in
einem gewissen Prozentsatz Nutznießer am Körper und an der produktiven Arbeit
anderer Völker zu sein.
Das Judentum wird sich genauso einer soliden aufbauenden Tätigkeit anpassen
müssen, wie es andere Völker auch tun, oder es wird früher oder später einer Krise
von unvorstellbarem Ausmaß erliegen. Wenn es dem internationalen
Finanzjudentum in und außerhalb Europas gelingen sollte, die Völker noch einmal
in einen Weltkrieg zu stürzen, dann wird das Ergebnis nicht der Sieg des
Judentums sein, sondern die Vernichtung der jüdischen Rasse in Europa.
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Declaration after Czech Invasion
Neville Chamberlain
March 15, 1939
If an attempt were made to change the situation by force in such a way as to
threaten Polish independence, that would inevitably start a general conflagration in
which this country would be involved.
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Ventennale dei Fasci Speech
Benito Mussolini
March 26, 1939
Camerati Fascisti!
La vostra adunata, che è la manifestazione culminante delle celebrazioni del Primo
Ventennale del Fascismo, ha luogo in un momento serio della vita europea.
Noi non ci facciamo e non ci faremo prendere da quella che è oramai è conosciuta
come la psicosi di guerra, miscuglio di isterismo e di paura. La rotta della nostra
navigazione è definita, e i nostri principi sono chiari.
Nel mio discorso di Genova io parlai di una barricata che separava l'Italia dalla
Francia. Questa barricata può considerarsi abbastanza demolita e fra qualche giorno,
forse fra qualche ora, le magnifiche fanterie della Spagna Nazionale daranno l'ultimo
colpo, e quella Madrid dove le sinistre attendevano la tomba del Fascismo sarà
invece la tomba del Comunismo.
Noi non chiediamo il giudizio del mondo, ma desideriamo che il mondo sia
informato.
Orbene, nella nota italiana del 17 dicembre del 1938, erano chiaramente stabiliti i
problemi italiani nei confronti della Francia, problemi di carattere coloniale. Questi
problemi hanno un nome: si chiamano Tunisi, Gibuti, Canale di Suez. Il governo
francese è perfettamente libero di rifiutarsi anche alla semplice distruzione di questi
problemi, come ha fatto sin qui attraverso i suoi troppi reiterati e forse troppo
categorici giammai. Ma non avrà poi a dolersi se il solco che divide attualmente i
due Paesi, diventerà così profondo che sarà fatica ardua se non impossibile colmarlo.
Comunque si svolgano gli eventi, noi desideriamo che non si parli più di fratellanze,
di sorellanze, di cuginanze e di altre tali parentele bastarde. Poiché i rapporti tra gli
Stati sono rapporti di forza, e questi rapporti di forza sono gli elementi determinanti
della loro politica.
Camerati Squadristi: questa è la vostra giornata – la vostra grande giornata – e col
vostro coraggio, col vostro sacrificio, con la vostra fede, avete dato un impulso
potente alla ruota della storia. Ora io vi domando:
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Desiderate degli onori? Delle ricompense? La vita comoda? Esiste per voi
l'impossibile?
Quali sono le tre parole che formano il nostro dogma? Credere, Obbedire,
Combattere! Ebbene Camerati: in queste tre parole fu, è, e sarà il segreto di ogni
vittoria!
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Announcement of the End of the Spanish Civilian War
Francisco Franco
April 01, 1939
Parte Oficial de Guerra, del Cuartel General del Generalísimo, correspondiente al
día de hoy, 1 de Abril de 1939, III Año triunfal.
En el día de hoy, cautivo y desarmado el Ejército Rojo, han alcanzado las tropas
nacionales sus últimos objetivos militares. La guerra ha terminado.
Burgos, 1 de Abril de 1939, Año de la Victoria.
El Generalissimo, Franco.
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Announcement of the End of the Spanish Civilian War
Benito Mussolini
April 02, 1939
Camerati, noi ci incontriamo in un momento che gonfia di gioia e d'orgoglio i nostri
cuori. Da ieri la bandiera a falce e martello è stata completamente eliminata dalla
generosa terra di Spagna. Il merito principale è di Franco e delle sue truppe, ma vi
hanno contribuito i fanti del nostro glorioso Esercito e le Camicie Nere.
Essi avevano detto: non passeranno, e siamo passati. Ma è ancora più importante
dire che passeremo.
Tutte le speranze, tutte le profezie idiote e miserabili delle sinistre, sono state
disperse dalla nostra volontà, dalla nostra tenacia, dalla nostra fede e dalle baionette
italiane.
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Announcement of the Annexation of Albania
Achille Starace
April 13, 1939
Salutate nel Duce il Fondatore dell’Impero!
Camicie Nere! Il Duce mi ordina di leggere il seguente ordine del giorno, approvato
per acclamazione dal Gran Consiglio del Fascismo:
―Il Gran Consiglio del Fascismo, presa cognizione del voto solenne e unanime col
quale la Costituente Albanese ha deciso di offrire la Corona di Albania al Re d’Italia
e Imperatore di Etiopia, saluta con gioia virile questo evento storico, che sulla base
dei secolari vincoli di amicizia associa al popolo e al destino d’Italia il destino e il
popolo di Albania in una più profonda e definitiva unione.
Dichiara che l’Italia Fascista è in grado, coi suoi uomini e con le sue armi, di
garantire all’antico e valoroso popolo albanese l’ordine, il rispetto di ogni fede
religiosa, il progresso civile, la giustizia sociale e, con la difesa delle frontiere
comuni, la pace.
Il Gran Consiglio del Fascismo esprime la gratitudine del popolo italiano al Duce,
Fondatore dell’Impero.‖
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Victory Speech
Francisco Franco
May 19, 1939
Un estado totalitario armonizará en España el funcionamiento de todas las
capacidades y energías del país, en el que dentro de la unidad nacional, el trabajo,
estimado como el más ineludible de los deberes, será el único exponente de la
voluntad popular, y merced a él podrá manifestarse el auténtico sentido del pueblo
español, a través de aquellos órganos naturales que como la familia, el municipio, la
asociación y la corporación, harán cristalizar en realidades nuestro ideal supremo.
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section 02 - the German Expansion in Eastern Europe
On the Signature of the Stahlpakt
May 22, 1939
Galeazzo Ciano
Il patto di alleanza e di amicizia concluso oggi fissa e consacra in precisi impegni
politici e militari quella profonda comunione di spiriti e di opere che esiste fra
Germania nazista e Italia fascista.
Le due grandi nazioni che, rinnovate e potenziate dal genio e dalla volontà del
Führer e del Duce, si sono messe alla testa della storia d’Europa per preservare le
basi della sua millenaria civiltà e per rivendicare i principi dell’ordine e della
giustizia in mezzo a un mondo in dissoluzione, si stringono oggi in un blocco
inscindibile di forze, di volontà e di interessi.
Le stipulazione del patto di alleanza non hanno bisogno di alcun commento tanto
esse sono categoriche nella loro brevità e chiarezza. Il loro stile è quello della aperta
lealtà che caratterizza le relazioni italo - tedesche.
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section 02 - the German Expansion in Eastern Europe
Declaration of the former Czech Ambassador in London
Jan Masaryk
August 27, 1939
No one knows what is going to happen within the next 24 or 48 hours. I don't think
that either Chamberlain or Hitler really know at this minute. But one thing is very
definitely sure: if the war starts, it will be Hitler who is the guilty party.
I do not wish to deny that the unbelievable policy of the Western democracies has
helped Hitler to this fortunate or tragic position. History will prove that most
efficiently and conclusively. But I do not think I’m too optimistic when I say that
these democracies have definitively learned their lesson. It is the terrible tragedy of
my little country that it had to be crucified to redeem the sins of others. Please do
not consider me blaspheme when I say that.
There might be war even before I finish this little talk or we may have another
attempt at negotiations.
If there is even a vestige of the Munich spirit left to initiate these negotiations, they
are doomed to be a dismal failure. The only possible chance of success without
bloodshed is for Hitler to climb down from the Trojan Horse on which he has
galloped from Munich to Berlin, and then to Vienna, Memel, Prague and so forth,
and now toward Warsaw. From now on he must walk, even walk backwards a bit.
Let me be perfectly frank; I believe I have the right to be so. If Hitler attempts
another bloodless victory for vulgar gangsterism, and the world – including the
United States of America – let him get away with it, I have no illusions about the
future of the European civilization.
And what’s more, we all deserve what is coming to us.
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