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Quaderni d`italianistica : revue officielle de la Société canadienne

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Quaderni d`italianistica : revue officielle de la Société canadienne
ANGELO PRINCIPE
CENTRING THE PERIPHERY.
PRELIMINARY NOTES
ON THE ITALLVN CANADL\N
PRESS: 1950-1990
The
Radical Press
From
the
Canadian
wing,
end of the Second World War
but one in Toronto.'
all
1980s, eleven Italian
to the
were published: seven left-wing and four
radical periodicals
The
right-
left-wing publications were: II lavoratore
La parola (the Word), La carota (the Carrot), Forze nuove
Canada (Forward! Canada), Lotta unitaria (United
and Nuovo mondo (New World). The right-wing newspapers
(the Worker),
(New
Forces), Avanti!
Struggle),
were:
Revolt),
Rivolta ideale (Ideal
Tradizione (Tradition), // faro (the
Lighthouse or Beacon), and Occidente (the West or Western
civilization).
Reading these newspapers today, one gets the impression that they
were written
in a
remote
era.
The socio-political
publications has been radically altered on both
reality that
generated these
of the ocean. As a con-
sides
sequence of the recent disintegration of the communist system, which
ended over seventy years of East/West confrontational tension,
party system to which these newspapers refer no longer
ing
in Italy the
exists. Parties bear-
new names and advancing new policies have replaced the
is now considered the passage from the first to
older ones,
marking what
the second
Republic- As
a result, the articles on, or about, Italian politics published
^ I
would
like to
thank several people
who
helped in different ways with
Namely: Nivo Angelone, Roberto Bandiera, Damiano
Capotorto, Mario Ciccoritti, Elio Costa, Celestino
De
this paper.
Domenico
Odoardo Di Santo,
Berlingieri,
luliis,
Franca lacovetta, Teresa Manduca, Severino Martelluzzi, Roberto Perin, Concetta
V. Principe,
finally,
ing
I
Guido
extend
meto have
Pugliese,
my
Olga Zorzi
thanks to
Dan
Pugliese,
and Gabriele
Scardellato.
And,
lannuzzi, President of Deison Press, for allow-
access to the archive of his publications. Corriere canadese
and
Corriere illustrato.
^For example, on the
new name,
left,
a democratic structure
parties.
the strong, monolithic Italian
Partito dei democratici di sinistra (DS); and,
and
Communist
Party has a
more importantly,
a reformist political platform.
Two
it
has
smaller splinter
Rifondazione comunista (RC) and Comunisti democratici italiani (CI),
Quaderni
d'italianistka.
Volume XXV, No,
2,
2004, 69
Angelo Principe
in the
ical
have no reference
in question
newspapers
at all to the present polit-
nomenclature.
Although the
Italian
Canadian
do not
radical periodicals
refer to the
political nomenclature, their pages reflect, perhaps better than the
new
widely circulating commercial newspapers such as Corriere canadese, the
double process that occurred in
nities in the years in question.
ical
Italy
The
and among the
landscape inside and outside the political parties gave
conflicts,
and divisions among the
and
Italiano), the ideological
to April 1945) has
the Congress of Fiuggi (1995),
politician,
the page
had the
party's
on old and new fascism and
its
was an
and
return of democracy in Italy;"
its
name and
in his
Sociale
past. In
(AN) and turned
"infamous anti-Semitism.
"
2003
its
smooth and shrewd
to Alleanza nazionale
essential
from
[RSI] of Salò,
repudiated
leader Gianfranco Fini, a
its
debates,
MSI {Movimento
sociale italiana
changed
name changed
far as to state that "antifascism
fascist
rise to
militants, leading to
of the second Fascism (the Fascism
political heir
which dominated Mussolini's Repubblica
September 1943
Canadian
Italian
Even the neo
allude to a defunct era.
still
commu-
local Italian
constant evolution in the Italian polit-
moment
He went
so
historically for the
state visit to Israel,
deputy Prime
Minister Fini courageously stated that the RSI was a negative experience and
defined Fascism as an "absolute
from the
right
governments of Premier
Democrazia
on
Socialist
cristiana,
whale), alluding to
emerged: Forza
ta
(PM), leaning
led the ex-neo-fascists
under the scrutiny of the
judicial inquest ''Mani
government and business, the
"/^ balena''
sarcastically referred to as
electoral strength.
cristiani),
to the
both centre-
Party dissolved; and so did the largest Italian Party,
which was
its
to
of our day.
the collusion between
Italia (FI), led
{Unione democratici
These changes have
Silvio Berlusconi
In the political centre,
pulite" (clean hands)
once glorious
evil."
which they had been confined since 1960
isolation in
From
their ashes
by the media tycoon
new
parties
Silvio Berlusconi, the
(the
have
UDC
leaning to the right; and the Partito della margheri-
left.
Moreover, from the
crisis
of the
first Italian
Republic, two brand-new
parties
have been founded: the strong Lega nord (Northern League) of Umberto
Bossi;
and the small party
Pietro. Bossi
and
his
succession, federalism, fiscal
autonomy, and a good dose of racism, while
dei valori continues the ethical battle that
"Mani
pulite",
of the ex-magistrate Antonio Di
Italia dei valori
Lega nord (LN) postulate an ambiguous policy, a mesh of
its
leader
Di
Italia
Pietro, a Magistrate
had waged against corruption. Although the
of
Italian political
landscape has always been crowded with a myriad of local parties, as a result of
all
these changes
political
from 1994
coalitions:
grouping FI and
its
to the present, Italy today
three smaller
Ulivo (Olive tree), grouping
allies,
is
dominated by two
(Home
of freedom),
AN, LN, and UDC; and
the center-left
the centre-right Casa della libertà
DS, PM, Green
— 70 —
Party, Socialists
and
others.
Centring the Periphery
changes in
political
and
ideological orientations: different ideological posi-
tions led to the succession of
one newspaper by another and,
the local communists, caused the parallel publication of
in the case
of
two periodicals
that represented opposing political lines.
Within the
interest
local Italian
communities, moreover,
it is
evident that the
of some of these publications shifted from carrying predominant-
ly Italian
news and reports
to stressing local
community and Canadian
content, even using English in order to reach second generation Canadian-
born
Italians.
This
is
particularly
true
of the left-wing newspapers,
from
although even the right-wing publications registered a
shift
theoretical questions to relevant political issues of the
day and eventually
turned to the use of English,
as
we
abstract,
shall see below.
Left-wing papers^
From
the second half of the 1940s
Italian
and throughout the 1950s and
'60s, the
population in Canada swelled by almost seven hundred per cent
the following table shows:
as
5
Angelo Principe
tion of the
Second World War.
A survey of
1
00
Italian
1962-64 reveals that, before emigrating, 43 of the 100
worked
in agriculture,
men
in the years
surveyed had
29 had been construction workers, and 7 had been
The remaining 22 men had
general labourers.
men conducted by
(IIMT)
the International Institute of Metropolitan Toronto
as barbers, bakers, tailors,
practised a variety of trades
and cabinetmakers.
Moreover, the formal education of those surveyed was well below
Canadian standards. Not
all
immigrants had completed the
Italian
year basic schooling program that was the
some
older
men and women had no
ited education
engaged
in Italy until
schooling at
and lack of proficiency
in difficult
norm
and dangerous jobs
most
Italians
rates.
were
in the construction industry
provided other type of manual labour for which they were paid
than the going
fact,
Because of their lim-
all.^'
English,
in
five-
1955; in
much
and
less
Unscrupulous employers exploited them, cheating
them of their vacation-pay, unemployment insurance stamps, and hours of
pay, and some employers even demanded as a condition for employment a
portion of the pay cheque in the form of a kickback. This was particularly
and
prevalent in the construction industry.^ Pierre Berton, journalist
torian, described the terrible conditions in
lived in the
In
1960s
summing up
The
by
in a series
his articles
of three
his-
workers
published by the Toronto Star.
kalians are walled off from the rest of us, partly by language, partly
them time
for very little
the various social agencies have
them
their
Italian
he wrote:
cultural background, partly
leaves
to
articles
which most
.
.
.
Nor have
by the
— but
shown
terrible struggle to survive
also because the
little real
which
government and
inclination to reach out
the wealthy Italian contractors, so eager to exploit
own countrymen, done much
for the Italian community.*^
^Ferguson, Newcomers in Transition, AA-A'^.
"The
table
education
below (Ferguson, Newcomers in
levels
of
Italian
immigrants.
Transition, 41, Table 18)
shows the
Centrinc; the Periphery
The exploitation of Italian immigrant workers was so widespread and
well known that it seems inconceivable that the commercial media serving
the Italian community were not aware of it. The media, however, never
attempted to make Italian workers aware of their rights, nor was resistance
hunt
against exploitation encouraged. Frightened by the paranoid witch-
unleashed by American Senator McCarthy's "Inquiry on Un-American
which
Activities"
lingered in the community, Italian Canadian leaders
still
considered every voice speaking about workers' problems and against the
quo
status
to be inspired
ological mirrors
which the
text in
by communists. The media,
and voices of the community
Such was the con-
leaders.
Canadian left-wing
early Italian
in turn, served as ide-
were
radical publications
conceived and generated.
The
War was
first political
// lavoratore.
the pre-war
A
37.''
paper to appear in Toronto after the Second World
Through
homonymous
group of newcomers,
Gramsci Club appalled
way
with
it
and communists of the Antonio
in
which the community mass media
founded the new
board
editorial
collective
the editors intended to link
paper published in Toronto in 1936-
socialists,
at the
dealt with workers' issues,
its title
socialist
// lavoratore
and established a
Tommaso
of Jack Capitani©,
consisting
D'Ambrogio, Matteo Federico, Michele Gallo (who
created the masthead),
Remigio Peghin, Franco Ranieri, Bruno Turino, Ernesto Valentini, myself,
and few
others. // lavoratore
a sectarian
it
was
and moderate one
a class-conscious paper and, in
at the
same time.
was directed to manual workers only; but
erate. It
encouraged workers
the union
From
to
become
its
It
was
some ways,
sectarian in so far as
platform was
political
interested in social issues
mod-
and
in
movement.
its first
issue, // lavoratore firmly
begin to read this newspaper," the
made two
first editorial
points. "Before
reads,
"we would
you
like to
say something confidentially: look at your hands. If they are the hands of
you have calloused hands, keep on reading it.
your paper." Then, having warned its readers, and Italian Canadian
an honest worker
This
is
[...], if
workers in general, not to
ment
ial
that
fall
into the trap of patriotic nostalgia
was fostered by the community commercial media
—
—
a senti-
the editor-
continued:
Workers
[.
.
.]
They should
should take interest in the
discuss them, analyse
opinion honestly and without
fear.
"The Italo-Canadian
.
.]
problems related to
factually
Whatever
preferable to mental castration or to a
^Principe,
[.
them
lie
their
that sinks
opinion might be,
man
Anti-Fascist Press," 127-131.
— 73 —
their jobs.
and then express
their
it is
to the level of beasts
Angelo Principe
ANNO
—
II
NUMEIiO
SETTCMtRE 1«U)
"THE WORKEIt"
IO
l 'Udienza Alla "Royal Commission
TORONTO
L'AZIONE SINDACALE IN
"
On
i«-ro
màùirtli
«iffifdi
ftlîuni prrsuri!;
c»-
«Jin
Che
Toronto t I04W xubur
tft
Committee Room
dei
ipomaJìerv par un
«^
use
e&titi
drmo-
àttìl»
delI'ÌiKhuim
qpersi*
Tanjoto suUo «Ii^bii
IR
"i>r-
vanno
(Ëw»nïuiizuti"
Bnmo
Zuiîai ed un «Itro
siadsoiUtta. il sifnor CSiariM tr.
vJM. vioeiirefidcnu rs^wnutult:
per il C*n«dâ' dtóU "TiKematHMWil
tàffw/t
l>UiN>r«n
mod Cenimi Muoi»
Union", (pi«ilA voha lancìarooo cw
successo la FarouxJone cii nuovi
««tri tóidacali <ìac«l»J in quattro
doqiM maatich oonneui con iì
fronte della
nj^t-sfrutUromto.
di
disI
cpregin dnll* vtta
eriiiuiutzioiie t di
Itrui. da parte
di lavoro
dM
<ti
num«ru>i datori
lavoratori interessati, in
origiaa italiana
di
di
U.n
bilire
Othtim
1960.
ir»;
da]
1
Dicenri>re
ac
natuBialìU*
altre
IMI.
e) Manovali: paita oraria dal 1
Ottobre IMO. ll.fiS: dai t Déwmtm
1960. tl.TS; dal 1 Marro tHI. tlM;
dai 1 Mamtio IWl. t3.0ti
a
lûonnta
•oche
Mano mi.
1
I9W, R.3S; dal I FtMnaio
S3.»: dal 1 Aprile IMI. S3.&
i
appanamenU.
pMkn
u^
I
«ponenti della
prosUomiWic affumica tncjie,
11
e
delia ()rrt«rì<i L«gi»ialure <Parlj
ha udito "IL LAVORATORE" ni
tarìù) iik d&ta t6 Settatore
prwsentRto dal respuiuaibiiB per II oinvitaio editnrlaìe. Ernesi
Valentini. presentare e ditoattore punti chuiv» d.
riguardante ta protezione coftxro gii infmtuai sut l«vofo, panu»
lanneote nel campo delU costruzione «dilc.
Ija protesta dell'opinione pubblica sulla traeica <}UBnto Inn
cinque giovani lavuniuri ilaìi
17 Marzo C.&. oel cantiere di Tortmto deU'Hc^'s Hollow Tutm
"
F^}«ct, ûraitïinse li Governo della Provlniàa aell'Oniario
si
•
mìIa
Uvonitan <ii
concnttixar«
ptto'
v:)Sonta'
Industrial Safety
"ItAOP:
«If'iiuttùat^ avidtU'
ù
suddetta KoyaJ Commission.
Come i nostri lettori ricordwanno. il 3 Aprite IftSO ci
lavoratori (in naggìoranza ttaliani) si nutitrono nella sala di 3(
Btttburst Street In Twonto, per coifimMiiorare « pmtastare
tmKl<» scomparsa di questi cinque giovani, causata dall'intere
per
profitto di una compagnia d'appalto, fuori dei
dacati. die spingeva il lavoro ai massimo dell accelerazione.
In tale circostanza. E. Vaiwiltnì. in qualità" ili prrsiden
della riumonc. fu istmitu dai partt-dpanti ad inottrare presao
competenti autorità', le risoluzioni scaturite dal dibattito ed
provate dall'assemblea. 01 conseguenza si ebbe l'invio del
^
ma^or
i
<tel
pn&io. Accapttùao
jtrado
l'ijmoratua
vUlflfio
npubio
'
anche
anmioo
ir.
sindacaa raatratì da vecchia
feroci:
il
f>
paga oraria
Jntonaooturi--
guenti documenti:
Al Governo Federale (sulla democratizzazione delle leg
sull'immigrazione).
Al Toronto Labour Council (sull'urgente blsoeno del I
\-or8ton immigrati dì entrare a far pone dei sindacati co
—
—
dau
Queanjltimm (di cui uno dejtli «•
(xmcti e' Mr. lenoves) che avrebdovuto
bero
yvolgere
tale
oco la porta per orga-^
lisorgamnati e svolto
sìrtdacali
che ÌAimff
aikae
migranti da molti «Bdacall.
I
di
tton
e'
tardi per m^ttrare. Ufvalatto per
quell it
specie di sim^alixii che
d^ oord-america e denaro
(troppo) die entra nelle loro tasche
GRAMSCI"
sindacale di Toromto Tutte le imaere astuxiclk messe in opera dai
padroni per dividere la cuopat'
confini
degli
adopero ed eapóste ail' opuûcate
pubUica Lo ipazin a nostra dispuiinone non ci conaente di ckn-
ciw acifuiaUBO WRipre niu'
Hei giorni deUo scÌ^>kfo "IL
LAVORATO!^"
Luglio
del Canada' ha distribuito un mani'^PnJetariato in
testo ftal
titolo
ia'.
rifUueniio
RKiratofi,
li
.
Emesto Vuleotim, Chalnaan.
Azione" che
proseguire la
lotta
Italo-CanadLan (Toronto)
WoT^rrs Protective Associatio
pei
punto di
c/o "IL LAVORATOr*
1164 Dundas St West.
rista.
To
the Royal Commission on Industrial Safety.
(Province of Ontario)
AgMto
-
(«dizione
no.
9.
Ì9$n
dai
ËDora conseguite
co
torie sindacali
:ah Ënora
lavoratori, presenta gravi aspetti.
dcH'inremo il mmi*n>
dei disoccupab non si^ ha supersU)
i livelli massimi registrati dalle sta-
AUe
«oglie
tistiche dogli anni precadenti
teKoria
i assicuriamo che la
con le seguraitl parole:"
sima (x«)stdeiazlone sarà' data olla
stabiliu la Royal Commi
Poco tempo dopo, quando
rn, fu inoltrato il seguente documento:
di risposta
AOTONIO
»«.iooe
Partita CasHinista
del
intereasi
—
I
QguagU^ua).
conquisla delta
campi di lavoro
I
lo
tutela
di
numi
italiana
N«lla
la
Toronto,
mu
di
lai
~
Pero'
)
.
fttipDlaxione
aindaL-aiuiiut).
in
dal
gret
piu'
scioperanti, rucuotendo
ovunque mteresse e amNWWCÌOlw.
NeUn stnnn perioda il "Suildii^
Trade OìA" dna Partito Communlsta del Canadn'. rivolgeva un
vibrante appello ai vecchi sindacati
afinchc' qiBMti aprissero le pM-te.
garantendo
ai
nuvrì
inuiùgrati
l'egoagluinia sul lavoro: in pari
che avrebbe portatu
specie <Ë ràndicaliMno dualU-
tentativo
eontifuu)
in
1
boeca
Diefenbakcr
per
ma
e'
paurcMo aumento. Tale
estende anche su seals
Primo
dol
aveva
Ifinistxo
promesso,
du-
m
quattdo
et
sì
ortina
a
P. S.
McAndrew. Chainnan.
On April 8. 1960 imder my sigyiature as Chairman, a pub
meeting of Toronto Italo-Canadians presented a resolution
Prime Minister k Frost which, inter atta, included recommene
tions regarding industrial safety measures, eapeclalty as r^ar
immigrant wortcers arul. in particular, construction workers.
The above oommtttee, established by the above mention
public meetlt^ has Instructed me to forward the pentnent p(
tions of that resdution t
(aj Improve Meseni
eiiforcament thereof,
tion todostry. arul «naur
clear-cut policy of granting provincial wo
Companies which adhere strictly to maj
ety oonaitions antl union wagea and conditions of work.
(c) Adopt the practice of haWng posted In Italian (and oil
"'
i-Engiish. non-French Inngwagr where such may appi;
'
ntnle la campagna Mettorate, piena
oecupuKma, sU' iav«ce ricalcando
fedete>cntr k orme della
redente esibiziOM: l»0 l'oi
(am* Mon potrebbe MBero altri-
menti
The Honourable
Dear Sirs:
"
ba-
sarsi sulla poUtica capitalisU dcgii
armananli agli ordini dsll'impe-
no
luba, perivano iragicamenle oal
cantiere dal "Toronto Hogg'* Hollow Tunnai project".
La luttuosa calamita' ebbe larga
parttceUmvcAfv ira
1'
Î.
Axoitf.
veiuva
nale
aarhe tra
—
i
19Kii
diamÉKiin
Tale gioriargaincnie
dalla
lavoratori canadesi
Lo acMpvro ragghinsa
la
sua
vittonoaa al termìnr
del nenodo urecedentcmente citalo
anche vinte lotto undacali
cunchistone
neuCrabu'
caoadaee. che porterebbe alla «oluóaat dei proUemi del popolo cl-mtnando in primo luogo fa piaga
della diaoccupatione.
I
(ioAT
lavoro della vecchie
sindacali scad-
\%"
pad rana le
LA STATISTICA
U
ntatLittca? K' na cucia
un conto in gencnle
de ta gt'Ate che naiwe, che sta Male,
Sai ched'e'
che
Ma
f'
f>erve pe' fa'
ptr'
me
la
stalÌNllea rarloMi
dove c'entra
pe' via che.
puro co' Ut
Il',
la
Ut
percvntuAle.
e' «tempre ega»lc
media
pentona bisognosa.
Me spiego; da li conti che ae (aooD
le statistiche d'adciaio
riaurta che te tocca un ptrflo all'anno:
Beoonno
le 8pcf>e tue.
la
:•-
and
is
therefore
unworthy ot the democratic freedom
everybody.'*' [Translations
As
a
paper published by
not align
itself
politically
^^11 lavoratore, (Dec,
mine
tinless
with
1958-Jan.l959):
the
1.
74
that
—
i
>
magTM du
Canada
grants to
otherwise indicated.]
and communists,
socialists
Ntatìatìca lo
un antro che
democratic
// lavoratore
socialist
did
Canadian
Centring the Periphery
Commonwealth
(CCF) to which the sociahsts leaned, or to the
communist party) to which the Gramsci
Club belonged. However, it expounded a policy in defence of manual
workers in general, explaining the role and functions of labour unions in
Federation
Canadian Progressive
Part}^ (the
societ^^
and defending
With
stand against the status quo,
its
construction workers'
and exploitation.
Italians against discrimination
lavomtore razy have anticipated the
which
militancy,
Brandon Union Group and the
II
led
formation of the
the
to
of 1960 and 1961, the two most
strikes
militant and, at times, even violent strikes of the post-war labour
ment
These
in the construction industry in Toronto.
and Mail,
Toronto's daily newspapers, the Globe
strikes
move-
prompted
the Toronto Daily Star, and
the Telegram in particular, to switch their interest from national issues to
the problems of the
humble
They exposed
Italian construction workers.
and maltreatment
case after case of exploitation, abuse,
to
which non-
unionised workers were subjected in the construction industry. •'
common
Accidents on the job were
lavoratore spoke loudly against
interest
five
its
events in the 1950s and '60s. //
editors considered a general lack of
by unions, government, and the public. When, on 17 March I960,
men (Guido
Fusillo
what
Mantella, Alessandro Mantella, John Correglio, John
and Pasquale Allegrezza) died
in the collapse
of the Hogg's Hollow
tunnel while w^orking on the construction of the Yonge Street Subway,
//
lavoratore published the following editorial:
On
the construction
heaps of crosses indicate the price Italian
sites,
workers have paid so that some contractors can build their fortunes
rapidly.
Many
there
as
The Yonge
Italians,
is
thev
too
Street accident
many
are.
Even
this
cate those five
real
in
not a palHative, leaves things
And
to
what end? The
real issue
is
who
is
not to vindi-
contractors
who do
on the
case.
There
And
Hardworking
The Voice of Labor, 55-58.
meagre wage
ever)' day.
Therefore,
is
a
need for
strict
new laws
against those
not implement every necessary measure to prevent
job.
Unrest," 9-11; Colantonio,
lives for a
pretending to do something by calling for an inquiry
and then closing the
^^lacovetta, Such
Every time an accident occurs
it is
men by charging one or more responsible individuals.
is much more serious. It is time to provide safety on
thousands of working men who, judging by the daily acci-
no point
accidents
last straw.
question
the job to the
is
job.
time they say there will be one to discover
dents and deaths, risk their
there
the
when
an investigation which,
ultimately responsible.
The
die
is
on the
every time one
People,
From
the
is
found
guilty he should be
154-196; Principe, "Two Years of Social
Ground Up, 94-1 13 and 121-148; Toppan,
— 75 —
.
Angelo Principe
punished with the
make him and
force of the law to
full
understand that no one
those like
him
above the law.'^
is
Moving from the editorial to action, // lavoratore organized a public
meeting on 3 April I960 to commemorate and protest the tragic deaths at
Hogg's Hollow. At the heated meeting a resolution was passed and sent to
the Premier of Ontario, Leslie Frost,
and
a Workers'
committee was
elect-
ed to pursue the matter. Part of that resolution was also mailed to the
Honourable
McAndrew, who chaired the Royal Commission on
made six recommendations:
P.S.
Industrial Safety.
It
Improve present Safety Laws
1)
[...]
and insure much
stricter
enforcement
thereof
2)
Improve and strengthen the enforcement of provincial laws on
Wages, Vacation Pay, Transportation to and from Work, Sanitary
of Work Act,
work
contracts only to Companies,
maximum safety conditions and union wages...
4) Amend the Fair Employment Practices Act to
lor political
5)
adherence or union
Adopt
Make
activities
which adhere
strict-
guaranty no discrimination
...
practice of having posted in Italian (and other non-English, non-
French languages)
6)
Hours
etc...
3) [Grant] provincial
ly to
Minimum
Facilities,
it
.
.
.
pertinent labour legislation and Safety regulations
obligatory for Safety Inspectors
guages], or have interpreters with
...
[to]
.
.
be proficient in [other lan-
them when covering
industries
where
a consid-
erable section of employees are non-English speaking. ^^
Upon
receiving the brief, the
Commission Chairman
invited the pres-
ident of the Workers' committee, Ernesto Valentini, to attend one of the
Commission
hearings. // lavoratore was,
women
in the
1950s and
'60s.
It
advocated
women
the problem of equal salary for
primary importance. They must enforce
For the
first issues, //
lavoratore
magazine-size pages; in 1960
dress,
moreover, probably the only
Canadian newspaper to expound a policy of
Italian
it
had
a circulation
time, considering the
all
salary equity for
"Unions must consider
sectors of industry a task of
this in
each plant and
factory."''^
was a very modest publication of 12
became
it
in
that,
a four-page tabloid. In
its
modest
of over 1,000 copies, a notable success for the
means then
at the disposal
of the publishers: 250
copies were sent to Montreal, Quebec, 100 copies to British Columbia,
some
to the Niagara peninsula
^^11 lavoratore {Uàvc\\ 1960):
and other Ontario towns, and over 500
L
^^11 lavoratore
{Septcmhcv 1960):
1-2.
^^11 lavoratore
(November 1959):
8.
— 76 —
Centring the Periphery
copies were distributed in Toronto. In the cold war atmosphere, the paper,
with
an ti status quo stance, was
its
phere. However,
it
consular authorities kept
Police
RCMP)
(
On
it
it;
priests
Italian
excommunicated
it;
communithe Italian
and the Royal Canadian Mounted
at bay;
kept the editors under surveillance.
18 April 1959 the Corriere canadese \^toic: "For about two years in
Toronto,
it
was rumoured that
be published
communist paper
a
was going
in Italian
long and secret preparations,
[...] after
dred copies of a newspaper that
to
last
week some hun-
calls itself // lavoratore
were distributed
The comrades however remained
[...]
atmos-
air in a stale
alarmed the prominent leaders of the
the Corriere canadese attacked
ty:
of fresh
like a breath
within the law." At
least
one
priest
of St. Agnes Church warned some of his parishioners of the danger that the
communist paper posed
And
ed the editors.
to
the Citizenship Act was
article,
amended
The
who were
Italian
Consulate
involved with
blacklist-
// lavoratore
were denied Canadian citizenship
,
until
in 1969.^^
hostile conditions, along with the conflicting viewpoints of the
and communists on the
socialists
people.
several persons
including the author of this
These
young
issue a struggle
editorial
board of the paper, made every
and brought about the demise of// lavoratore
at the
end of
1961. This local ideological conflict coincided with the creation of the cen-
government of the Christian Democracy and the
tre-left
Party in
Italy,
parties,
the
Canada of
Italian Socialist
which marked the diverging policy of the two working
communists and
the
Italian socialists
New
socialists.
Democratic Party
who had been
selves in the Associazione
The same year,
(NDP) induced
class
the creation in
the nucleus of
involved with II lavoratore to organize them-
Democratica Italo-canadese (ADI) in competition
with the above-mentioned communist Gramsci club. This nucleus soon
grew
to over
one hundred persons. Their task was
party in the Italian community. Patiently
the
community and
in several provincial
and with
and
to establish the
new
years of involvement in
federal elections
and
bi-elec-
tions,
they contributed significantly to the creation of the conditions
which
led to the election of four Italian
1975 Ontario election
The
ty
as
we
Canadian
socialists' first step to
making
was the publication of la parola,
a
the
NDP
monthly
bulletin,
board consisted of Sandra Gourley
^^ Corriere
(a
members
known
in the
with a circulation of about 400, mostly
teacher),
in the
communi-
modest sixteen-page, magazine-size
editorial
Mastrangelo
NDP
will see.
(a
Giuseppe Mazzotta
canadese (18 April 1959): 4.
— 77 —
in
Toronto.
social worker).
(a
student),
Its
Rocco
Giovanni
Angelo Principe
Sinicropi (a professor of Italian literature at the University of Toronto),
myself (editor).
The
the paper
the fact that
lies in
first
issue
it
appeared in
May
1963.
and
The importance of
presented overtly socialist ideas in the com-
munity, which had been conditioned to fear the word "socialism."
It
also
discussed workers' issues that were ignored or downplayed by the domi-
nant Corriere canadese, which
at
that time unofficially supported the
Progressive Conservative Party. "^ Presenting their objective, the Italian
socialist
NDP wrote,
supporters of the
Italian
[.
.
.]
workers should organize themselves
by accepting the platform of the
ernment program of
New
social reforms as
[...]
of their rights
in defence
Democratic
we want
it,
Party.
[.
.
A gov-
.]
and with us the true
majority of the country, should be seen neither as concessions, nor as the
of progress, platonically intended. But, more concretely, the
result
reforms should be considered as workers' rightful conquests.''^
In addition to
news and
articles
and on the ADI's organizational
on the various
drive,
community's economic,
facets
La parola discussed
and
NDP
of
policy
different aspects
The
of the
Italian
issues
most often discussed were the endemic problems: accidents on the
social,
cultural
life.
serious
job and the protection of construction workers. La parola urged citizens,
unions, and government to address and find a solution for these issues.
Echoing an
before,
editorial that
had been published
in // lavoratore five years
La parola wrote:
commitment of the Minister of Labour and his
more than any other year, there has
high number of fatal accidents on construction sites: 53. In
In spite of the oral
Ministry assistant,
been
a very
this year [1963],
addition to the loss of 53
lives,
accidents have sent hundreds of our co-
nationals to hospitals with broken backs.
The
be solved
ty
lives of
[...]
those 53 workers
now.
It is
demand
of Justice, and to say no loudly to
ative that
we open our
not want to
soil
that this gangrenous
problem
time for Magistrates to speak with the authorithis criminal
shame!
[.
.
.]
eyes to the fact that people die daily.
It is
[...]
imper-
We
do
rubble with our brains and blood nor to have our heart
squeezed against a brick.
The time
to vent
our rage
is
now.'^
^"In the early 1960s, three elected conservatives were regular collaborators of the
paper:
in
Quinto Martino,
MP
for
Hamilton; Alan Grossman,
Dan
for
Belwoods
lannuzzi, editor of the paper, was the Progressive Conservative candidate in
the Davenport riding in Toronto.
^'^
MPP
Toronto; and Joe Piccinini, Toronto councilor. In the 1965 Federal Election,
La parola
1:7
(Nov
1963):3.
^^ La parola \:(,{\dGò):ò.
— 78 —
Centring the Periphery
VOL
SETT. 1963
1
No.
6
9
J
TALO-CANAVESE
EDITO A CURA DEL COMITATO ESECUTIVE DEU"
A. D.
I.
La parola
November 1963 issues,
Besides the work-related issues plaguing the community,
tackled social and cultural matters as well. In the
Giuseppe Mazzetta exposed the alienation of
wrapped up
in their nostalgia for
an
illusory pseudo-artistic activities. In
che viviamo a Toronto?"
(Who
are
Italy that
an
we
Italian
article titled
"Chi siamo noi
Italians living in
— 79 —
immigrants who,
never was, sought evasion in
italiani
Toronto?) Mazzotta
Angelo Principe
explained the prevalent nostalgia as a form of alienation in these words:
"One of the most important phenomena that we have noted in the last few
is the large number of Italians, women and men, young and old, who
years
pose as writers
poets
'in pectore,'
He
cer players 'in pectore,'"
'in pectore,' singers 'in pectore,'
then examines
"
a song,
and soc-
Emigrato abbandona-
(abandoned emigrant) by Luciano Salvatore and a film Accadde in
Canada (It happened in Canada), possibly the first film ever produced and
to
"
directed by an Italian Canadian, Luigi Petrucci.
respect to the song, Mazzotta noted, "besides the obvious
With
and
consistent grammatical mistakes, the verses express the author's nostalgia
rudimentary manner,
for Italy. In a
image of '<?/;
tinued, "In
sole
Italy
is
identified with the obvious
mio and Canada with the image of 'cold.'" Then he con-
highest lyrical point, the poet expresses the hope that the
its
metaphorical cold, which
is
both sentimental and moral,
will
one day
end." In reviewing the film, Mazzotta gave the reader an idea of both the
story
and of
its
low
artistic level:
"Petrucci was able to create a sense of
expectation in the society at large that, in matters of creative activities,
'terra desolata'
everyday
life
mishaps of
rhythm of
(waste land).
—
the death
a lonely girl
life
in
[...]
Though
on the job of an
—
is
the film presents situations from
Italian
worker and the pathetic
the film did not touch the core problem: the
an opulent society replete with contradictions, egoisms,
tensions." Mazzotta concluded his review with the following statement,
"What might have been
the archetypical story of conflicting cultures (the
relation
between Canadians and
nous: as
if
the characters were
all
Italians, [...])
was
in fact [...]
anemic. Further, the film
is
monoto-
marked by an
exaggerated opening and closing of doors and publicity for O'Keefe
[Brewersl."i9
Another important
issue tackled
by La parola was the scandalous
dis-
play of the Italian monarchist flag during official national celebrations of
the Italian Republic. In 1963, during the 4th of
commemoration of
November Victory Day
the Great War, the Italian monarchist flag was dis-
played at the entrance of the church of St.
Mary of the Angels
in
Toronto.
There, attended by the Italian ambassador and the local consul, a mass was
celebrated to
commemorate
the fallen soldiers.
incriminating flag was taken and published in the
parola.
Under
A
photograph of the
November
issue
of La
the photograph, the caption reads, "even this year, as in the
preceding years, the Italian flag with the Sabauda cross was displayed at the
entrance of the church of
^'^
La parola
St.
Mary of
the Angels where a mass, attended
\.l (Nov. 1963): 10.
— 80 —
Centring the Periphery
by the representatives of the RepubUc of
Consul, was celebrated. That
of 2 June 1946."-° The
Italy,
the
Ambassador and the
offended the martyrs and the plebiscite
flag
never again reappeared.
flag has
In the precarious conditions of those pioneer days, the editorial group
disintegrated
and La parola,
The men and women
more than
after just
involved in
it
sonal necessities: employment, studies,
however, continued
its
organizational
workers and the unemployed;
Commission on
a year, ceased publication.
were called to other urgent and per-
and change of residence. The ADI,
work and
with the injured
activities
even presented a brief to the federal
it
Bilingualism.
Between the demise of La parola and the birth of Forze nuove, another publication involved a
weekly La
carota.
The
group of young
appeared on 4 January 1969.-'
ly
It
Italian
Canadians:
it
a semi goliardie editorial
issue,
first
was the
initiative,
was a very modest publication,
six part-
typewritten and partly handwritten letter-size pages copied with a rudi-
mentary duplicating machine and stapled together. Some
much
were
pages thick.
issues,
however,
37 (24 November 1969), for example, was twenty
sarcastic name La carota, its untidy appearance, and its col-
larger: n.
Its
loquial language constituted a strong political statement that suited well
both the largely disoriented
social
immigrant community and the charged
Italian
atmosphere of student unrest
at the time.
They
also served to highlight the
problems within the community and the increasing world tension
between East and West.
Published by the Italian section of the country-wide
Company
of
Young Canadians (CYC), La carota was edited by a group of young women
and men, who frequented the
CYC Community
Centre, located at 1725
Dufferin Street, just North of St. Clair Avenue, including: Antonio Amico,
Roberto Bandiera, Maria Grifone
Slye,
Bets Slye,
Mario Micucci
^^ La parola 1.7 (Nov. 1963):
^^
(Italian
Women
teacher),
(a
Organization), Rick
Leopoldo Bertacchi,
(Steel
9.
Roberto Bandiera, one of the most active members of the
emailed the following message to me:
"Ho
letto
con
interesse
CYC
il
Italian
group,
tuo giudizio sulla
Carota e mi rendo conto che hai azzeccato in pieno per quanto riguarda lo spirito
che teneva uniti quei giovani che,
carota.
ato
Voglio precisare che
Comunità
il
fra le tante cose,
pubblicarono anche La
primissimo numero anziché La Carota, fu chiam-
1968 quando ancora
Novembre del '68 ci spostammo su
gruppo anche Domenico Pagnini. Si decise di
Pungolo" e Domenico La carota. A me stava
viva ed uscì verso la fine di Ottobre del
eravamo (CYC) su Edwin
Dufferin ed entrò a
[Street].
far parte del
cambiare nome. Io suggerivo
bene anche La carota per cui
"Il
A
fìne
andammo
avanri
con quel nome
[...]."
Angelo Principe
Januaury 4th, lOôg
ffl
n^^i^^^lS^m^^^^^'i^^^^'s.^^'s^^^^'^^^^^^^'^^^^i
EDITORIALE
E' noti che la comimita' italiana in Toronto e' priva di
ogni centro cultnu?ale ed e' comune opinione che tale deficienza
sia dovuta alla mancanza di un centro dovè incontrarci per
promuovere attività' che partono dal consueto tram tram del
passato.
Che la comunità' italiana non abbia luoghi dove incontrarsi
e' falso, esistono non solo luoghi ma associazioni che potrebbero
e dovrebbero intraprendere azioni culturali, politiche e
sociali che, per ragioni non difficili ad individuare questa
funzione e attività' mai vennero iniziate.
Tutti, compresi noi,
siiamo ccnscienti delle nostre deficienze e certamente' non e'
lusinghiero dover ammettere che per merito di pressioni da
parte di non italiani il governo canadese sia stato spinto a
tentaire la ricostruzione sociale e morale dei nostri ghetti.
Circa un anno. fa la CYC (Company of Young Canadians)
mise a disposizione della comunità' una casa intera, del materiale
e del personale con lo scopo di inniettare idee e generare
attività' tendenti a rompere il nostro isolamento; in altre
parole, la società' canadese attraverso il goveeno federale
ci apre le porte e ci invita a diventare parte integrale di
essa.
Dopo un anno di attività' questo invito ha dato ben pochi
frutti, i pochi n molti che sono 'venuti a conoscenza o a contatto
ooimle attività' della CYC sembra 'che ahbino capito ben poco
e se si deve giudicare da quanto la stampa locale italiana ha scritto
in merito si deve concludere che la comunità' e' contenta dello
stato in cui si trova e rigetta ogni iniziativa tendente a
rompere lo status quo. Tutti coloro che (ruardano alla CYC «on
diffidenza e' ben che si ravvedano, perche' la CYC non vuole n?'
imporre ne' dirigere, ma aiutare tutti coloro che vogliono uscire
dallo stato di non esistenza sociale in cui si trovano.
Fare un analisi e giudicare quanto la CYC ha fatto fino ad ora
non e' difficile, la sua eBione e' stata negativa perche' e' riuscita
a suscitare interesse sol- fra \in piccolo gruppo di giovani
italo-canadesi. Dai primi di Dicembre, 196B il centro della CYC
ai e* spostato nel centro della comunità' italiana ad ovest della
citta'.
Oltre a ciò' sta' rivedendo le sue attività' con la
speranza di trovare mezzi e vie più' coerenti per promuovere il
diïLlogo fra la comunità' e la società' canadese,
,
2
Worker organizer), Olino Capocchione, Domenico Pagnini (of the
others.
I.W.W.U.), Vince Gentile (of the A.M.C. & B. W.), Joe Trito, and
but
held these young people together was not a common ideology
community.
their youthful anti-conformist and iconoclastic views of the
Canadians
Italian
those
of
La carotas first editorial was an indictment
What
who
the
did not respond to the
CYC
to get
large. "After a
many
them involved
long year of
appeals launched throughout 1968 by
in bettering the
community and
activities," the editors
— 82 —
charged,
society at
Ci-:ntrin(^, THF. Peri I'H FRY
our appeals have borne
came
of our objectives.
tle
wrote about
it is
we
tis,
If
we have
who
to judge
aimed
CYC
mistrtist the
at
change the condition oi
pays taxes,
CYC
and
lives
to accept this reality
more human
ate a
From
us or
have understood very
from what the
otight to conclude that the
lit-
local Italian press
community
is
content and
changing the status quo. All those
should review their positions: the
does not want to impose or to lead,
objectives, the
CYC
of the
activities
against any initiative
people
The people who heard about
little fruit.
with the
in contact
btit
only to help those
their social passivity.
[...]
CYC
who want
to
having essentially social
making every Italian Canadian who works,
Canada understand that until he/she refuses
he/she is a dead weight on those who struggle to creaims
at
dies in
society in Canada.--
the barely legible pages of
La
carota,
its
outspoken editors cen-
sured the self-proclaimed leaders of the community.
They supported with
keen interest the union movement, explaining the difference between
Syndicalism and Unionism or Italian and Canadian ways of organizing
workers. For instance, a series of three unsigned articles on the Italians'
involvement in the union movement give an interesting synthesis of the
two epochal
strikes
1961.-^
The
"belle e
buone
conducted by the Brandon Union Group
actual writer,
Domenico
I960 and
Pagnini, described the two strikes as
insurrezioni" (veritable insurrections), a definition partially
shared by an important union leader like John Stefanini.-''
Italian
in
community's
interest in local
editors o( La carota organized debates
To
stimulate the
and national problems, the
and wrote
articles
women and
education. Workmen's Compensation,
activist
on matters such
as
work, immigration,
Mafia, integration and related topics. Further, Stanley Ryerson, a Marxist
historian, gave a series
of talks on Canadian history to the members of the
group and to the public
activists
Though
ty.
La
in general.
on one occasion staged
carota
There was
a light
a film club,
and some of the
comedy.
communidefended John Lombardi when Tony O'Donohue accused
critical
of the
self
proclaimed leaders of the
Lombardi, and by implication the
Mafia-style deals.
Italian
Lombardi had decided
Italian
community, of conducting
to run in
Ward 3
as a
candidate
for the position of councilor in the 1969 municipal election. Later, chang-
ing his mind, he switched from
^- La carota
23z^
1
(4 Jan. 1969):
carota 1-3 (4, 11
&
lection (which, as far as
to
Ward 4 where O'Donohue was
1.
18 Jan. 1969): 3-4, 3-4. Issue No. 3
I
know,
is
^^John Stefanini defined the two
Canadese, 156.
Ward 3
is
lacking in
my
col-
the only extant collection of this weekly).
strikes as "a peaceful revolution" in Bagnell,
— 83 —
Angelo Principe
a candidate. In this connection,
We are
are
al.
the
to criticize
first
carota wrote:
our [ItaHan] candidates when we
unworthy of representing our community and the
But, above
all,
against our entire
recalls
we
now,
feel that
they
citizens in gener-
violently criticize a serious slander brought
community. Commenting on John Lombardi's deci-
sion to switch wards,
'it
La
Tony O'Donohue
the days when, in the
said, this
American
behind closed doors and divide the
cities,
city as if
O'Donohue's imbecile slander comments on
adding
a 'dirty affair',
is
gangsters used to meet
it
were a
itself:
it
is
cake.'
Tony
an imbecile's
slander!^^
La
carota did not have a specific ideological orientation, but
clastic attitude,
youthful vivacity, and quasi-anarchist stand
a singular reading in the left-wing Italian press in
demise of La
carota,
two other
editorial enterprises
its
made
icono-
its
pages
Canada. Following the
on the democratic
left
ensued: Forze nuove (1972-1982) and Avanti! Canada (1975-76).
Forze nuove began as an election bulletin during the 1972 Federal
Election in support of
my campaign
as the
port riding. After the election a group of
to
NDP candidate for the Daven-
members of the ADI "undertook
donate a small amount of money on a regular monthly basis in order to
They were: Nivo 7\ngelone, Elio
Odoardo Di Santo, Tony Marcantonio, Matteo Matteotti, Domeni-
continue the publication of the paper."
Costa,
co Leone, Angelo Delfino, Vince Gentile, myself, and others. After six
issues, the
The
monthly paper,
editorial
a sixteen-page tabloid,
was
financially sound.
board consisted of Elio Costa, Odoardo Di Santo, Tony
Marcantonio and myself, remained
relatively
unchanged
for the entire life
of the paper, although other people joined for one, two, or more years and
then
for
left.-^^
At
first
the editorial coordinator was
Odoardo
one year (1975-76), Franco Conte; and from
di Santo; then,
1976 on myself.
Domenico Leone, Nivo Angelone, and Franco Lento, each
^^La
carota 37, (24 Nov.
1
969):
1
in different
5.
"Some of these passing members were Maria Augimeri, Gerardo
Amedeo Corridone, Angelo Delfino, Mario Esposito, Franca De
Celestino
De
luliis.
Cimillo,
Angelis,
Vince Gentile, Tony Grande, Francesco Guardiani, Tony
Manduca, Tony Marcantonio, Domenico Pagnini. I apologize
whose names I have forgotten. Luciana Marchionne and John Picchione
Lupusella, Teresa
to those
collaborated
Candidates,
on
specific
cultural
problems.
Provincial
members of Parliament, and members of the
contributed with
articles,
and Federal
news, and communications throughout the
paper.
— 84 —
NDP
Provincial Legislature
life
of the
CeNIRING THF
kNNO
IV
- No.
5 e 6
-
M£NS/tE POLITICO
TORONTO
CANADESI
GLI ITALO
P*r rlsptndUT «lUprlmB
InrwiltuttD
in«ttar la dilxro che molti
lulo-caj)Bdesi o si dislnt»-
rasBAno della vita poUtlca
o lono talmente cl^>ld! che
la luro partecipazione ed Jl
ma
Dopo uo
abUaiDO quasi un mi-
Essi confidano nel-
deli'lnCalzloo«-
imo
lione di disoccupati, Il costo d«IU vita aumerrta e Tru-
t
UH
del popolo.
scandali In cui sono sta1 ministri
ed
colmom
ti
I
capoccioni conservatori nono
plu' di
prima
Q del
pari
a ben Zina
loro c(xiCiibutopo88anodir5l
had
parunente simbolici SI ha
l'impresil^vie che 1 nostri
15t -
Se
U
manovra riesce,
che'egll
1
può"
per U picLombardi e
nic
bicldenlaimente ricordiamo
stra della vita. Se do'
na fumogena d«llaacce9epoleniiche di Bill Davis contro
Trudeau ed II Governo Ub»-
I
ce\-a che la storia •'
un oaame on«st*j della attmzinna generale a quindi op^
rarr;
ma»-
al lettori df connlderare se-
riamente quali &cno
sulla
pa&sato.
Per non ripetere
gli
statU,
dimostralo lai arruganteattegglameoto di superiorità'
ver&o gli Lnunigmti. I liberali s<mo una forza decadente In Ontario per mulb
giani. ìiataxltuOo non hanno
persene d] grofiito calibro.
La loro rappresentanza a
Qaeeii's Park e' un csemUlnct
aitrove. Ed ìimailtutto
e&pnrr»
competenza
gli
gU
mancanza
apiega. Se c'è" un liberale
numeri cerca di farsi el.
1
gare al I^rlamento di
tawa dove pu(V «vere una e
i
stesa! ob-
tessi
e
Intelligenza politica. Cln'
cV
e
conservatori dopo 32 anOOO^luio fattlemlma sopratutto hanot,
I
al baijiio
propria Idee apertamente. Teortcamente tutti sanno
liberta'
che io Canada
di espreasione e eh» ogni
Immigrato, diventato cittadino, ha tutti
partiti
eli
possono aspettarci.
le
JiUghl
1
(
fatto e che cosa gli
erro-
n dlalnterosse degli Italo-canadesi va quindi rlcer-
di
tenendo contodct nostri
legittimi tntereasi. Comeitel
pauMtu ForzeNuovepn)[XBe
e* vero essa dovrebbe Ingegnarci
a Doo ripetere gU errurl del
MUDa-
lettor
di Johnn}'
non sappiamo se abbia ballato
o menu. Ciceroni dl-
d
hanno
1975
all'Isola
conservatori saranno rleleU
e fra un anno tutti saranno pronti a protestare. Ma
allora cara' troppo taidl.
tl
coinvolto nella politica.
sia
AGOSTO
E
LA POLITICA:
E
ronoazlaoBli abbiano una Innata dUIktenza per tutto ciò'
che sa di politica anche se
poi sappiamo che do'
si
LUGLIO
abbiamo paura?
di che
domuda bUogai
PeRII'HFRY
diritti
riera brillante, invece di
degli altri canadesi. In pratica, mentre s) rispettano
tutti
gli
(Abilghl,
fino
ali-
accettazione delle 6ttuaz4onl
gravose, finora non ai
ancor* riusciti a convin-
pio*
e'
ce»
gli italiani di
cbel loro
usareanle
diritti.
del
Ed U tatto e' che volenti
o nolmll tutti SL'BIAMO le
m^gglpi^ j-J/orme sociali
Canadâ,%all3 pensione
malattia, alla legge sugli tofortuni ecc.. sin dalla sia
e si
gli
Mario Soares, capo
PORTOGALLO:
riscaldamento noi OOD»IAMO pagare. Se 11 governo
provinciale
BUI
I>avls
verso
di
dell'Ontarl'^
acresce U pas-
la
guerra
Steplien Lewis hanno raf^rfr»
sentato l'unica vera opposizione nel parlamento
.
Quindi la politica ci rlguar
da direttaxn«ite.S«clrUn'arda dlrvttamcote dobbiamo
eercftre di comprendere coattenti a non farvi Inganna
re.
DobUamo comprendere
quali Booo le forze politiche
che rappresentano gli interessi dal lavoratori e delle
classi produttrld dell'Ontario e quali sono Invece quelle che mppr&sentano gU Interessi del grossi pescecani • deUe classi parassite
che purtroppo bannopredoml
nato e predominano tuttora.
Dsaerc rappresentate
base del voto popola-
l'^TS
di
scatenando la
TO «ucUa cne Tie
poio portoghese. Egli sostiene che le forse polltlctte dcb-
l'oppresslcne co-
SOMMARIO:
Era gluDta encbe par essi
Venne pero' «obito
gue
toldatl
L
Pagina
ij;
4
che vengoao
sedare
1
le rivolte, t
;;:
,
CU
ne rlTiduzlcoarle . Venne-
tuanU che dattero
al partilo
I
Le elezioni provinciali
il
38 per centodci
i
munirti.
Pagina
i.
6
:i:
stallol-
i Gli
immigrati e
1
la
scuola
Pagina 8
i|
Pagina 9
I
periods, took care of distribution, advertising
of the role played by Forze nuove
wrote, "the newspaper took
on
in the
1
i
L/alternatJva N.D.P.
Ontario le risorse energeche gli appartengono,
tiche
per sviluppare una poUtii
edilizia
che crei abltazlon
a prozìi
madre
ragloaevoll,
lavoratlrce, per
nlzzare e rendere più'
dignitosa compensazJcne
L
epensloni decant
Infortisiatl
tariti.
'
oclaiista
CI sarà' la guerra
dvlla? E' dtaclle dirlo.
Intanto 11 generale Ot&la de
CarvaUu) ha già' minacciato 11 Campo Pequeoo: cioè'
efl1<
dente e aperto a tutti II sistema scolastico In crlal,
per ridare ai popolo dell
gni
La tassa sulle case
la giunta
ed inarticolate dottri-
sta
^v:*>itX>-^:)iKSft:^^WSSSatóW*:-.ìftSÌ¥SSStf^
portt^ttasl.
po di mano dal giornale R
putAUca, l'imlco In mano s
dallata. «equaatraio dai e
sis
'
una
fe^rlaia. una grande
Lo flcomo anno abUsmo
Motti dicevano che 1 libera^
II avrebbero dato lavorD e
aTrebòaro rlaollo U proble-
rendere più'
tori, per
vera porti;çhes« del
sta «vanendo nell'alba
Pf
civi le?
sivo del bilancio fino ad io
miUanlo e mezzo di dollari
noi l>0\TtEMO pagare.
•ntiricati
e
i
vorairici e produttrici del Ca
nada. Negli ultimi quattro
ni l'NDP ed 11 suo le«
del socialisti portoghesi.
rimpriglcDamento dall'oppofllalODe nel grande campo
per tauromachia alU pari(•ria da UalMoa.
In
ogni
campo dnve
tadlnl vleie
minacciata dai li
tracotanza degli Interessi co
stltulti,
l'NDPe' sempreata
linea a combatnoetre
ba taglie
Lo in
prima
Le re
le
Alle
proaslme elcziool
I
1
NDP
|
vecchi partiti Saj«' anche la matia alteroatlva
and promotion. In
saia'
l'alternativa
a synthe-
community, Odoardo Di Santo
a dual nature. First, to fight the establish-
85
Angelo Principe
ment within
the Italo-Canadian
community, and secondly,
to debate the
broader poHtical issues as they affected the Italo-Canadian worker. "-^
In the present essay,
editorial activit)'
and
impossible to analyse in detail eleven years of
it is
which branched out
political orientation,
directions: local, provincial, national, Italian
tional, as well. It
may
be
however, that Forze nuoves basic editorial
said,
NDP
policy was critical support for the
Regarding the
NDP,
and the union movement.
the paper always pressured the party to recognize pub-
economy of
the immigrants' important role in the
licly
in several
and Canadian, and interna-
within the party. To
make
point
this
Prominent
Italian as well as in English.
key
clear,
articles
the province and
were published
in
NDP, such
as
personalities of the
David Lewis, Jan Dukszta, and Melville (Mel) Watkins of the Waffle
group, a radical current within the
specific aspects
among
allies
who
of the
enlightened with their writings
Party's national or provincial policy.
the ethnic groups within the party
ADI and
approach to workers'
the editors of Forze nuove
issues.
share the Wafflers' strong
sounded
This helped gain
and among the Wafflers,
1960s and early '70s were a very active group. Along with
in the late
the Wafflers,
ears
NDP,
like
all
The ADI membership,
shared a radical
however, could not
and enthusiastic nationalism, which
As mentioned. Forze nuove and most of the people behind
Provincial Executive in
didates in ridings
base.
it
kept a
crit-
NDP. More than once ADI stood against the
matters of policy or when it tried to parachute can-
with the
affiliation
ical
to Italian
another form of fascism.
where the
For example, the
Italian vote
was strong and
ADI had
a
wide
NDP executive and ADI confronted each other dur-
ing the nomination in the Dovercourt riding for the 1971 provincial election.
The nomination went
ADI and
to Steve Penner,
the local Italians.28
A
^'^
more
the support of the
similar confrontation occurred in
NDP
view for the nomination of the
desire to have a
who had
docile Italian
candidate in
1975.-^''
Downs-
Perhaps the
group induced the Provincial
NDP exec-
Polyphony. A A (1982): 123.
"See,
"L'ADI
Marchese
è
l'unica
associazione
in II giornale di Toronto (31
politica
socialista
Aug. 1971):
5.
italiana,"
by Egidio
In the Dovercourt riding,
the Provincial executive opposed the candidacy of Steve Penner. Penner almost
won
it
the seat.
He was
declared the winner
was determined that he
lost
Nixon. After the recount the
Steve Penner
on
final results were:
(NDP), 6,144; Dan De Monte
(Com.) 429.
^^See Forze nuove (Sept.
&
election night, but after a recount
by only 39 votes
Oct. 1975):
7.
— 86 —
to the
PC
candidate George
George Nixon (PC) 6,183
(Lib.) 5,1 16;
votes;
and William Steward
Centring thk
utive to go along, after
lived
NDP
Canada
some
Pkriphf.ry
initial resistance,
with the creation ol the short-
Sezione Italiana (Italian section) and the publication o^ Avanti!
in 1975-76.30
Both
initiatives
were
ftilly
financed by the
Part)'.
young idealists, men and women, staffed the Sezione with enthusiamong them: Mario Ciccoritti, Nino D'Aprile, Ugo Pennaccino, Nivo
Angelone, Mauro Buccheri, Peppe Cutellé, Fernando Di Marco, Caterina
Mele, Silvana De Bona, Cosimo (Mino) Stefani, and others.
Several
asm,
On
more than one occasion
on opposite
sides.
the
ADI and the
Sezione found each other
For example, in the 1975 Downsview nomination,
ADI
and Forze nuove endorsed Odoardo Di Santo while many members of the
Sezione supported Allen Shapiro, the candidate favoured by the provincial
Executive.
Once nominations were
Avanti! Canada supported
all
over, however,
worked hard
the people involved in both newspapers
elect the Italian
in
in
to
Downsview,
in Christie.
issues relevant to
the job
campaigns
Dovercourt, Tony Grande in Oakwood, and Ross
Within the community, Forze nuove
Some were
in the
Canadian candidates: Odoardo Di Santo
Tony Lupusella
McClellan
both Forze nuove and
NDP candidates during the election; and
the
regularly brought to the forefront
workers in general and Italian immigrants in particular.
old questions relating to the construction industry: safety
on
and the reform of the Workmen's Compensation Board. Other
matters involved second generation Italians, the problem of teaching
Italian in the public schools,
These schools
essentially
dren of immigrants into
and the abolition of "vocational schools."
had the unspoken objective of channelling
manual
jobs, often regardless
chil-
of their ability or
their parents' wishes.
Regarding the teaching of
Italian,
Forze nuove maintained that
it
was
the provincial government's responsibility to ensure that Canadian-born
children of Italian parents (or other ethnic groups) received the education
they deserved, including the teaching of Italian (or other ethnic language)
if
demand warranted
ernment decided
it.
When,
to provide
in the
summer of
1975, the Italian gov-
funds and coordinate personnel for the teach-
ing of Italian in Canada, Forze nuove stood firm against such a move, considering
of its
it
own
an intrusion that actually exempted the provincial government
responsibility.
•^^According to Mario Ciccoritti, whose idea
a
it
was
to have a Sezione Italiana
of
NDP, the Provincial Executive of the Party initially opposed the idea. "It was
member of the Executive, Gordon Vichert, who insisted, pleading our case
the
convincingly," said Ciccoritti.
— 87 —
Angelo Principe
The
government's
Italian
initiative
Itahan cukural associations on
such
site,
was contrary to the objectives of
Dante
as the
pressuring the provincial government to assume
the education of the children of immigrants.
by the
(Elio Costa), but discussed
Forze nuoves position on this
"that after
much
lobbying, the Italian
is
pleasing to see," wrote Costa,
from
increased funds
the Italian language.
Italy
He
then goes on to state that,
"the struggle (that the various local cultural Associations
to obtain
have undertaken
from Canadian authorities the recognition of the
is
and
However, the
should have been to help the
not to take their place."
guage instruction)
which were
signed by E. C.
article
Government has
has sent personnel to help promote
local Associations,
An
Society,
responsibility regarding
entire editorial board, clearly stated
issue. "It
objective of the personnel sent
its
undermined. All the
activities
of lan-
right
of local associations
were directed to obtain from the Provincial government the commitment
and, consequently, financial and organizational responsibility to educate
neo-Canadian children
Though
Italy,
It
main
the
in the
language and culture of their parents."^'
interested in international problems
interest
and
in the political life
of Forze nuove was Canada and
did not shy away from biting criticism of the Italian
when
these leaders'
Italian
community
uncommitted position avoided dealing with
leaders
real
lems facing workers and the community. Moreover, although the
were often too long, they were written
in plain
and
of
Canadians.
prob-
articles
direct language, adapt-
ing in style and content to the need of the average Italian Canadian reader
who,
generally,
The
had
a grade five
political position
education or
though the two papers differed profoundly
that Italian
Canada
Canadians should have with
in
Italy.
how each viewed
similar,
the relation
Avanti! Canada welcomed to
the activities of the Italian political parties while Forze nuove
opposed
it.
Canada,
in a
Italiani
less.
of Forze nuove and Avanti! Canada was
For example, in a piece published in
its
first issue,
Avanti!
polemic with the Federazione delle Associazioni e Clubs
(FACI) and indirectly with Forze nuove, argued in favour of the
Italian parties'
involvement in the community.
tance provided by the "Patronati"
Italian workers'
interest in
•^^See Forze nuove,
September
-'^Patronati are agencies created
in Italy
number
and abroad. The
Italian
oi people they assist.
politics-^-
October 1975,
by major
needed assistance to emigrants
maintained that the
assis-
would help integration and enhance
Canadian
&
It
"We must
wrote
provide
much
p. 7.
Italian political parties to
who have
say,"
to deal with Italian bureaucracy both
government finances them
in
proportion to the
Cfntrincì THF Periphery
Government and the Patronati's interest
lives in Canada neither prevents nor
of integration of our fellow countrymen in
Avanti! Canada, "that the Italian
in the conditions
slows
down
Canadian
of Itahan emigrants'
the process
society^
but aims to enhance and accelerate
^^Avanti! Canada 1,2 (1975): 4.
it.'"*"*
The editorial board approved all articles before
who were not part of the editorial board bore
publication. Articles from persons
the signature of the respective authors.
— 89 —
Angelo Principe
After just over a year of activity of the Italian Sezione, which involved
dozens of Italian youth and
many
men and women,
militant
the
NDP
provincial executive decided to cut the funds that paid the rent for the
Avenue
Clair
office
end and with
it
and the
The
secretary's salary.
Soon
so did Avanti! Canada.
Sezione thus
after
it
came
St.
to
an
ceased publication,
two other left-wing newspapers sprang up in Toronto in 1977: Lotta unitaria (United struggle) and Nuovo mondo. The former was the organ of the
La
crisi
energetica negli
USA
Le sette sorelle
contro Carter
ANNO
Per
IH
N.
7
LUGLIO 1979
-
25
La poesia
Mary Di Michele
CENTS.
di
prima volta un socialista potrebbe diventare capo del governo
la
INCARICO A CRAXI
Per
la
prima volt*, nella atoria
d'Italia, •' stato affidato ad un
sociatiata rincarici» di formare il
(warna M «ûciatiau «' B«tunn Craii,
(••«rvtario d>l Partito Socialista
txa liana
Dopo
la
ptcìiacuire
Partini.
t
il
rinunria
il
dì
mandato
di fonnare
Le
il
prossimo ftovernu
Craxi non saranno
diflicolta' di
ï>och» anche se l'acœtu sione dell'incarico Ca penaars ad un iia' probabile
accordo tra socialisti
L«
aiTKK
Ma
Cri
dalla
Tipo
An
Presidente della ïtepubterebbe molto duro perche* et traV
t«rebbe soprartutto di un (ovems*»-*
ticomuniKU. In quests 'e«8o it Parato
determinai
W^-^»"**'***
'" psrt.cnlar dalli
oonfkrira
i
-
il rtstbiu di una
profonda spaccatura Sr in\ei e i!
gtwerno <'r»xi si formera' soprattutt.
$o«'ialista (.'«irrervbbe
democmtianiA ha chiesto proprio
«•KTClann dui PSI.
La
per portare al governo
il
govemrx che tipo di governo sarà? E'
questo un )cr«sr> intcrrocativu Per-
demochstianL
*
infs
Andreatti a
aflidatn|[h
di elezioni antici)>ste.
se Craxì riuacira' a formare
al
cbii hit aci:Bttat<j^
visita in
Canada
Dino
di
Pelliccia
1
primo
1
M
I
centa
I
per
^,1
il
^
con it 31 per e
e «ndaUi loltan
nvofascisu hnnn'
p»isto
OC
tiUa
•
i
della
cento
fact
millantau fona
cmi|rr>u
ju»nu> riguarda
:.-«io Kli
;
ritardi
i
delle pemtioni, Dino P«
detto che )! problema riipii
non soltanto qi
-.riiti
.1
iwiisioDati e
•
all'»
riforma del Kiatoma \i>
sul quale ai
magfiioranta preoedfn
te-reeiiunaahile dell'uffi
ione del K'I si e' dicfaiai
^ all'cventualiu' di affidai
MI la
scofclio
a,
la
.
.
ad un E
delle
qua
potrebbe
i
Un
quawias. banca locale su. q
sarebbe difficile operare dei
PCI. attraverso interrocasi
Il
i
parlamentari
pingera'
«lesioni «uropee
hanno
Sulla
i
»umpa
i
ciato
alla luce nelle elezioni
confermato
le
l
INPS
il
It^ge per i contributi s
all'ealcr^ Pelliccia ha d«t>i>
tentativo dei democristiani
eliminare
riturnarc
vt
^
perplaeaita'
responsabili
i
vino migliore per
v
partecipattone d«(li emicrati
che e' «tata «cana proprio per
democratici nell'organiizarla.
L» d^icienu urfanuuwtive
interpellar
di Napoli) a svolgere un
gli emigrati.
Banco
I^
ed
del
Pd
organizzare un corretto svolgimento
delle elezioni
e
la
improrogabile
oecwsaiU' di dare viU ai comitati con-
90
queste prm'vtdenxe e
vecchio metodo clir
conuibi
al
tatare di fare distribuire
dai ronaolab e dalle
i
ambascu
un deprecabile ritornu
clienteliamo ed un invito all'autoc*
Sarebbe
L^tiM. »
m^ yMtoM. .-..«ti
lavoratrice in
in fiinxione
uno
s|nrtio
interlocutoria
nidixioni per u.
Centring the Periphery
Club of the Canadian Communist
Italian
Part}'
(CCP) while
the later
was
financed by the Federazione Italiana Lavoratori e Famiglie (FILEF), an
emanation of the
were the
ported
result
Communist
Italian
Euro-communism and
and the
Lotta unitaria
who
supported links with the Russian
expounded unimaginatively the policy of the
rule
of journalism, there
and
The
appealing.^"*
tabloid pages in length, featured
first issue, six
These included a two-page
that discussed
"Wages and
Profits,"
occurred in successive
faithful for the faithful,
issues. In general,
Part)^'s
paper's policy,
its
however,
it
in
was a paper by the
it
in
supported the
style
NDP
and language. In the
and ignored the hard-line
direction taken by the FILEF, following the Italian
reformist policy for
editor Franco
Euro-communism. Explaining the
Conte wrote: ''Nuovo mondo maintains a
its
attention from
Canada
the attention focussed
Italy,
New
approach on workers' organizations; for example, towards the
Democratic Party and Canadian unions. "^^ But when Nuovo mondo
ed
Day],
appearance
with no impact on the community.
political scene
Communist
[Italian Liberation
Some improvement
Nuovo mondo was more dynamic
CCP. This was the new
and another four pieces
editorial
"April 25"
"Racism," and "The Quebec Problem."
critical
local
monotonous articles. Ignoring the elementary
was, it seems, no desire to make the paper attrac-
Party with long
tive
Canadian
Nuovo mondo who sup-
Party.
Communist
five articles.
at
the PCI's break from the Soviet domination;
staff at Lotta unitaria
Communist
Party (PCI). These two publications
of inner conflict between those
to Italy,
its
political
shift-
views changed as well. In
on the Communist
and the
Party,
were also occasionally discussed. The communists'
socialists
political initiatives in
favour of emigrants on both sides of the ocean were continuously brought
to the attention of the readers.
Nuovo mondo had
greater than that of
"^^
was
a circulation throughout the country that
any other left-wing newspaper. Having being estab-
^^"In a newspaper the material [news]
is
nothing without packaging; the
text
is
nothing without the context," wrote the renowned French intellectual René
Uncheau,
as
quoted by Paolo Murialdi, Come
si
legge
un
giornale,
]
4.
^^Conte, "Nuovo mondo,"Poliphony 4.1 (1982):126.
-^"The following
del
PCI"
lems
is
for the
is
one of the many possible examples: the
reads in part:
"The PCI's
interest in the
article
"L'emigrato nelle
liste
emigrant workers and their prob-
not revealed solely during the XVth Congress, nor in the resolutions approved
program of the European
election; a
new proof of this
interest
is
the
list
of
candidates for the next election of 3 and 10 June, and in the electoral program
approved by the Central Committee recently held." Nuovo mondo (May 1979):
— 91 —
10.
Angelo Principe
IMti^ QQimMïfe
ORGANO DEL fARTlTO COMIMSTA t ANADESE
ONTARIO: PERCHE' VOTARE PER
IL
PARTITO COMUNISTA?
di
famiglie di lavoratori,
spedolaente gli Immigrati,
che hanno meno anzianità*
stil lavoro, e In particola
~
re le donne e 1 giovani,
Va notato che anche In Ontario, come In Italia, molti
giovani con tanto di lauree
e di specializzazioni, non
riescono a trovare lavoro.
Con alcuni ^oml rlmaBtl in quttsta caapa^a
elettorale nell'Ontarlav
LOTTA UHITAJUA, ha credvto
Opportuno informare 1 suol
lettori sulle posizioni
del Partito Coaunleta su
alcuni punti aallenti in
quest'elezione.
A tiae fine. Lotta Colta
ria h« Interrlstato 11
leader Provinciale per 1'
Ontario, Wllllan Stevart
che concorre nel distretto
elettorale di DOVSRCOURT
della dtta' di Toronto.
L.P. . Cosparso Stewart, data l'alta disoccupazione
ebe affll£f!a 11 Canada e
tutu gU altri paesi capi
tallaU. creda Lei che 11"
problema della diaoccupasione sia un problema esse
nzlale In quest* elo&lone?
Stswart . CertsKente,
Il
problema Bagliore in que
~
sta elezione e' la crisi
dell'eeonovla. Ci sono
alaeno i»00 mila disoccupain Ontario e ai prevede
che questo numero aumenti
ben presto a mezso millooa
Questa e* usa tragedia
per centinaia e migliala
Questo e' senz'altro 11
problesa sa^^ore ma 11
governo dell'Ontario non
ha soluziotU. da offrire.
L*unlca sua soluzione e*
di dare plu* concessioni
fiscali e di Incrementare
sempre di plu* 1 sussidi
alle grandi corporazioni.
Kell'ulUmo bilancio, ad
esemplo, questo governo ha
ridotto di 96 milioni di
dollari le tasse che dovevano pagare le grandi corporazioni, mentre ha aumen
tato di Sh miliardi
d l"
dollari le tasse sul popolo
lavoratore.
Il governo di Davis disse
che queste 'misure avrebbero
creato plu» posti di lavorci
Ma la disoccupazione invece
e* aumentata dramma ti e salente
sono diminuiti 1 soldi
nello tasche del lavoratori.
Anche li controllo della
paghe, che il governo provln
clKle ha appoggiato e o n~
vigore, e la riduzione del
aerriai sodali hanno contribuito olla dlsoccupazlone.Soltonto le corporazioni
hanno beneficiato da queste
misure anti-popolari.
Il Partito Comunista
ha
delle concrete soluzioni al
problema della disoccuparlo
ne. Il nostro programma pro
pone la costruzione di ~
200, <XX: case all'anno --er
1 prossimi
tre anni
l
terreni devono essere
oapronrlati dal controllo
degli Bpeculatori;ll costo
delle abitaziod deve
essere ridotto ad un massimo di $55,000 dollari
a
cosa per ogni famiglia, con
un"mortage"di non più* del
Qaesto metterebbe a
sul posto di lavoro e que6%*
sta dovrebbe essere
lavorare 1 dissocupati nel
parte piacevole, educativa
campo edile e otiaolerebbe
e culturale della loro esile altre industrie a creastenza. Invece le condiziore più' posti di lavoro.
ni di lavoro sono diventate
Inoltre il governo deve
intollerabili a causa dell'
nazionalizzare la nostre
aumento del ritmo di lavorc^
risorse naturali, sviluppa
della logorazione,
re l'industria manufatturiera secondajrla.,.Non biso condizioni Insicure e disumane di lavoro. Per questo
gna lasdare le decisioni
concernenti 11 futuro della il Cansda ha la maggiore
percentuale di inddenti di
nostra provincia, del noslavoro del mondo occidentatri cittadini e dei nostri
giovani e anziani alla sete le e l'Ontario ne detiene
il triste primato canadese.
di profitti dei grandi
Il governo sta attribuen
monopoli.
do la colpa al lavoratori7
L,a, . Qual'e' la posizione
1 quali sono accusati
di
del Partito Comunista
non "fare attenzione" sul
sulla salute e siilla aiculavoro, Ka la vera soiuzlo
~
resza del lavoro?
ne al problema e» di far
Stewart . La maggior parte
si' che i lavoratori
e 1
dei lavoratori trascorrono
quatri meta' della loro vita
una
eie
BASTA CON
L'AIB!
Continuano ad aumentare
Le forze principali che
sempre di più* i prezzi, 1
possono portare ovanti una
profitti, le tosse, il ce
mssdcda mobili taxions di
sto dell'energia, 11 vlttt^
masse per una azione politica e per far pressione
capi di abbigliamento e
sono: 11 movimento sindaca
gU affitti.
le e democratico, 1*KI3P e~
Oltre al servizi sodali,
il Partito Comunista.
indispensabili ad ogni laSolo uno azione congiunta
voratore, sono stati tagli
di queste forze può» porto*
atl fondi e finanziamenti
'/olendo controllare l'ifl
re ad un cambiamento
nazione a solo discapito
fondamentale nella linea
dal solari la politica del
politica del paese.
governo, protettrice degli
Tutti gli operd, tutti
interessi del profitti del
i lavoratore e 1 progresd
lo grandi compagnie aultistlr, devono lottare
per""
nazionoll, e' etata la
rimuovere 11 controllo dei
cousa della perdita
d 1
solari, devono chiedere la
lavoro per migliaia di
NASCE NUOVA CEUULA ITALIANA DEL PCC
creozione di nuovi posti
operai.
di lovoro e la restaurado
L'undid «aggio scorso
indice dello sviluppo ideo
Il popolo lavoratore e
ne del diritto alla contra
e» etato eletto a Winnipeg
lodco-politlco-sodalo dèi la eloase operala devono
toslone collettiva.
Manitoba, il primo diretti
lavoratori. In particolare
scuotersi dalle spalle 1*
Che gli aumenti delle
TO della nuova Cellula
dell'intensificazione della attacco sempre più' conti
paghe giochino un importim
AHTOKIC QRAMSCI cosi* final lotta di classe e con essa
nuo delle grandi compagnie
te ruolo nel creare inflamente realizzando le aspi-' il sostegno al partito dei
multinazionali, dei monopo
zione e' una viziosa manzo
razioni dei tanti compagni
~
lavoratori, il Partito
li a del governo ohe stanno gna.
•mistenti nell'ambito d 1
Comunista. Inoltre a* un
attaccando lo stesso tenore
Qualcosa deve essere
quella comunità* italiana.
passo avanti per la causa
di vita degli
operai
e
fatto
subito
per
settore
La fondazione di un'altra e la lotta per 11 oocialllavoratori.
fine o questo furto legaeellula in lingua italiana
amo • un Canada sodalista
Non
sono valide ra^o
lizzato delle pache della
del Partito Comunista Cana
Tonti auguri al nuovi
per abbassare sempre di
elasse operaio e
dame a tlnnipeg e' un fatto compagni.
più' 1 salari reoll
popolo lavoratore.
pooltlTo; moggiormento e'
lavo rotori*
U
;
.
mmnast
d
d
del
dei
lished by the FILEF,
which had branches in several Canadian cities in
Eastern as well as in Western Canada, the paper had offices
in Montreal,
Toronto, Winnipeg, and Vancouver. Mail and articles from these
and other
Canadian
was sent
cities
in
were continuously received and published and the paper
bundles to these
offices,
which looked
— 92 —
after
its
distribution.
Centring the Periphery
The impact of these
was generally
much
less
nities in
left-wing pubhcations
positive: Forze
on the Itahan community
nuove lasted eleven years, the other periodicals
and circulated mainly among the
Toronto and Montreal. As
far as
radical groups in the
Forze nuove
commu-
concerned, an aver-
is
age of two thousand copies per issue were printed, of which over 600
copies were sent directly to subscribers mostly in Toronto and the rest were
distributed through Italian outlets in the
city. Its
readers were mostly
work-
tradesmen, acculturated professional people, and white-collar workers
ers,
who
placed themselves politically on the democratic
Liberal party supporters.
CYC
and
respectively
bership. Avanti!
their electoral
have a lasting
and were
NDP
in preparation for the
ridings in
Toronto had
campaign with the cover page carrying
Though widely
it
a
its
ADI
mem-
1975 provincial
as a
brochure for
Canada did not
distributed, Avanti!
Nuovo mondo. As
own
NDP or
photograph of the
impact on the wider community. This was
Lotta unitaria and
each in
left
carota were bulletins of the
circulated mostly within their respective
Canada was created
riding's candidate.
tions,
and
and most of the
election
La parola and La
a whole, however,
way, strengthened the interest in a
also the case for
all
these publica-
more democratic
and multicultural Canada.
Right wing newspapers
Turning to right-wing publications, the
ical
perspective changes as well.
was
icals
tics
political
in LI faro
landscape and the ideolog-
chief interest of the right-wing period-
and what was happening
in Italy
found space
The
there.
and Occidente, but only
Some Canadian
as a reflection
or of the newspapers' anti-communist stand.
The
content
of Italian poli-
local neo-fascists'
nationalism and their emphasis on "loyalty" to the white race, the nation
(Italy),
one
man
a party (Fascism), define the Italian right-
willingly
men and women in exile, even though they
and of their own choice. It is also true that in
Italian neo-fascists
did not find a Canadian party to dialogue with,
wing
militants in
came
to
Canada
and
(Mussolini),
Canada
as the socialists
Canada
as
had with the
result, their isolation
NDP and the communists with the CCP. As a
or exile was both ideological
Furthermore, because of their interest in
and
Italy
factual.
and her
political
prob-
marked the intestinal struggle that led
(MSI) from post fascism, to beyond fas-
lems, the neo-fascist publications
the
Movimento
Sociale Italiano
cism, and finally to the democratic conservative position of the Alleanza
nazionale party (AN). As
zione, Il faro,
we
and Occidente)
will see, the four titles {Rivolta ideale. Tradi-
articulated different ideological positions
and
the political discourses they exposed reflected those both inside and out-
— 93 —
Angelo Principe
Rivolta ideale echoed the voice of the
MSI.
side of
many
racist current espoused by
most intransigent and
veterans of MussoUni's ItaHan SociaHst
Repubhc. Tradizione, on the other hand, affirmed its Hnk with the Centro
Studi Ordine Nuovo (ON), the youth extremist right-wing movement led
a follower
by Giuseppe (Pino) Rauti,
of the reactionary philosopher Julius
and perspectives of the
Evola. Il faro interpreted the hopes
Giorgio Almirante
historical leader
that in time led the
expounded the bourgeois conservative views
beyond fascism
to the
ideale
weekly paper, La
overtly fascist periodical to be published in Italy after
appeared on
without the
between two very
and what
Toronto.
later
1 1
Martelluzzi
April 1946.
The
Italian
World War
Canadian Rivolta
radical right-wing associations: Unità italica in
became Centro
II,
ide-
was the product of a collaboration
article 'La)
The promoters and
De Cecco and
Tonelli's
Its
rivolta ideale, the
was taken from Giovanni
first
ale (written
MSI
appeared in Montreal in October 1964.
title
first
its
founding of the Alleanza nazionale (AN).
The bimonthly Rivolta
which had
MSI under
1970s, and Occidente
in the early
Montreal
culturale tradizionalista, Italia d'Oltremare in
two associations were Vittorio
leaders of these
B. Chittaro in Montreal
and Domenico Capotorto
in
and Stefano
Toronto.
Sinicropi, Severino
The chosen birth date for
month of the fascist
the neo-fascist publication was October, the anniversary
March on Rome that, on 28 October 1922, led Mussolini to power.
While Rivolta ideale was launched in Montreal to mark this historical
date, Italia d'Oltremare in
Ordine nuovo (ON)
abroad.
The
leaflet
prepared in Italy by
immigrants and sent to
all
its
contacts
leaflet reads as follows:
ORDINE NUOVO
Italian
Toronto distributed a
for Italian
(Our honour
is
named
loyalty)
youth abroad should remember that forty-two years ago, the world sub-
version had chosen Italy as a land of conquest.
The
genius of our race
{stirpe) rose
and created the miracle of
a heroic resur-
rection.
Today, through socialism and the democratic
launches
its
contempt
offensive,
{dispregio) ok
Today, once again
our
international
at hoisting the red flag
communism
on the Campidoglio
as a
land of conquest.
In the
name of the
Italian
youth abroad to stop the advancing Bolsheviks' baying hordes {canea).
^'The
leaflet
was
traditional values of
NOT PARDON
first
centre-left
our
race,
we
ask for the solidarity of the
COWARDS.37
was created by Ordine nuovo
their reaction to the Christian
creating the
in
civilization.
been chosen
Italy has
HISTORY DOES
It
aimed
left,
in Italy
and sent
for distribution abroad.
Democrats' opening up to the
government
in Italy.
— 94 —
socialists
and
Centring
;.;:;:
i
ni'mero i -
-
GIORNALE
montreai - ottobre - novekbre 1964
Esce ogni 2 meai
OPERAIO
ANTICOMUNISTA
DEDICATO ALLA LOTTA CONTRO
E
thf. Periphery
IL
ITALIANO
BOLSCEVISMO INTERNAZIONALE
TUTTE QUELLE FORZE CHE VOGLIONO LA FINE DELLE RAZZE DELLE NAZIONI DEL CRISTIANESIMO
IL TRIONFO DEI PRINCIPI FONDAMENTALI DI GIUSTIZIA NAZIONALE DI STATO DI PATRIA
BATTE PER
IX PASSATO ED IL fRESEHTE
"Rivolta Ideale" e' fedele al passato storico del Fascismo e di quello
che ci ha Inefegnato, Noi non rinneghiamo gli errori, ma ron neghiamo
nemmeno quelle che il Fascismo e Mussolini hanno fatto per l'Italia ed
il suo pcpolo. Oggi, dove molti volta gabbani trovano comodo sputare
sul piatto che ieri mangiavano, % divenuto un delitto parlare del
Fascismo con sinceriti e con onestà. Sono circa 20 anni che comunisti
e democratici sputano fuoco e fiamme sul Fascismo ed i suoi rappresentanti. Ad un giovane ignaro della storia recente d'Italia, e sopratotto
del periodo che va dal 1922 al 19^+5 pub sembrare che questi anni siano
stati il periodo pili nero della storia Nazionale. Tutto questo si capisce facilmente se si pensa al]
enorme propaganda anti- fascijlta fatta
nel mondo dalla fine della guerra in poi. Noi giovani e meno giovani,
che ci siamo riuniti attorno alla fiamma Nazionale con una volontà
suprema di rinnovamento morale, sociale, Nazionale sappiamo che nonostante tutte le menzogne di ogni giorno e di ogni colore, la realtà storica
del Fascismo resta % resterà nella storia d'Italia come un'esempio
luminoso di Italianità, come uno sforzo splendido di guarire e cambiare
radicalmente mali che sono fin, troppo conosciuti e tipici della Nazione
Italiana. Il Fascismo % quell'* ideale per cui molti Italiani hanno
imparato a vivere dignitosamente e non da lustrascarpe al soldo di
stranieri e di idee straniere. Il Fascismo fb quello che realizza la
bonifica delle paludi Pontine, che diede all'operaio la Carta del lavoro,
e Iç prime protezioni sociali in suo favore. Il Fascismo ha il merito
enorme di aver voluto e stabilito il C(^dato con il Vaticevno mettendo
cosi fine ad una polemica storica che la Massoneria Italiana ed Internazionale alimentava nelle coscienze di ogni buon Cristiano.
,
'
Besides nostalgie
commemoration,
there were practical
political reasons for the ultra-rightist militants'
to Italian
youth abroad. The
and immediate
bold and alarming appeal
reasons are evident in the leaflet.
The words
December
and the democratic left"
Moro had taken
1963, the first centre-left government headed by Aldo
Party were part of
office in Italy. Members of the left-wing Italian Socialist
refer to the fact that in
"socialism
government team along with "the democratic left", the Social
Democrat Party of Giuseppe Saragat and the Republican Party of Oronzo
major Italian political
Reale. This pointed to a new direction within the
centre-left government in
party, the centrist Democrazia cristiana.^» A
the
^^Salvadori,
La
Sinistra nella storia italiana, 148.
— 95 —
a
Angelo Principe
power dashed the MSI's hopes created by Arturo Michehni's pohcy, which
had given the party its brief taste ot success when, in Parhament, it held the
deciding vote in the centre-right coahtion headed by Fernando Tambroni
in 1960.3'>
As the
leaflet in
question clearly indicates, ultra-rightist militants drew
an analogy between the centre-left government of 1964 and the political
now
1922:
situation in
as then,
Italy
was seen
under attack by
to be
Bolsheviks or "international subversion." As will be detailed below, the
linked Toronto's radical group, Italia d'Oltremare, with the anti-par-
leaflet
movement
liamentarian Italian right-wing youth
protest the neo-fascist
and "tame
tive
fascists",
year,
that in
1956 had
left in
supported by democratic conserva-
Arturo Michelini had been reconfirmed
at the
He defeated Giorgio Almirante, the radical historical
who had the support of three radical groups: the social-
helm of the MSI.
leader of the party,
ist
MSI. That
oriented veterans of the RSI, the hard core
and the youth move-
fascists,
ment. Michelini continued his moderate policy, aimed
into the democratic system
MSI
at fitting the
and within the parliamentary
process,
and met
with some success. With the approval of Enzo Erra, the youth representative
on the
omy
Party's national executive,
and economic
•'^Several political
the violence that followed the
awarded
a gold
medal
for
of Tambroni's center-
factors led to the failure
government, but the event that revealed
right
city
Michelini decided to limit the auton-
of the youth movement. This strategy was necessary because some
MSFs
the opposing
decision to hold
armed
its
all
its
components was
Congress in Genoa
—
resistance to fascism. All anti-fascist par-
unions, associations, and individuals considered that decision an insult and
ties,
a challenge
and
all
rose in protest
and organized demonstrations throughout the
country. In the truculent authoritarian political mentality of the day, police
crushed the demonstrations, killing several
try.
morti,
mille feriti:
wounded: the
fault
employed by the
in different parts
comuinista"
responsabilità
MSI, such
mistake to
(Eleven
its
"celerini "
deaths,
in Italy
till
1994. Years
later,
Domenico Minnitti, recalling those events,
choose Genoa as a location for our Congress,"
trato (23 July
1
one-thousand
(motorized police), Tambroni resigned and with him
as
Neofascisti!, 82. In
of the coun-
editorial '''Undici
of the communists). As a consequence of the brutal methods
ended the centre-right experiment
the
men
In Toronto, Corriere illustrato (16 July 1960) titled
Canada, from
its
spokesmen of
stated: "It
was
a
see Nicola Rao,
anti-communist perspective. Corriere
960) found that "Tambroni ha reso un grande servizio
alla
illus-
vera
The following week (30 July 1960), an editorial in Corriere illustrato commenting on the violence and the eleven deaths cynically wrote, "I
comunisti, andati per suonare sono stati suonati " (The Communists, who had
democrazia."
gone
to cudgel,
have instead been cudgeled).
— 96 —
Centring the Periphery
uncontrollable elements of the
movement undermined through
acts
of vio-
lence and bravado the democratic image that Michelini tried to bestow
upon
Headed by Pino
the party.
Rauti, a disciple of the philosopher Julius
Evola, a large portion of the youth
autonomous
radical Centro Studi
The schism between
the youth
tional, ideological, cultural,
way
its
movement
and
italism
and Russian communism.
appear
as
two
human
such
as
to
of the same thing,
type that
is
both Western cap-
and America
two ways leading
as
the ultimate conclusion of the
processes that preside over the development of the
Evola's followers
Evola's anti-moderni-
For, as Evola stated, "Russia
different expressions
with the
Italian parties in line
youth movement was, however, opposed
to the formation of that
created the
movement and the MSI was generaUnder Michelini, the MSI was on
Western world against communism. While accepting
ty views, the
MSI and
the
political.
becoming another of the many
to
left
Ordine Nuovo.
modern world.
""'*'
For
Pino Rauti, both systems were the product of the
same phenomenon, modernity, and had do be uncompromisingly opposed:
according to Rauti, Evola led the young right-wing radicals away from their
parochial fascist culture to a worldwide horizon of an international kindred
of
men and
voked a
"Evola profoundly changed our convictions and pro-
ideas.
cultural revolution in our world," Rauti
^^Evola, Revolt Against the
Modern
World, 344.
A man of many talents.
"^^Pino Rauti, quoted by Rao, Neofascisti!, 41.
Evola like the French René
Guénon advocated
was a harmonious unity of four
or bourgeoisie, and
castes or classes (clergy, warriors,
merchants
servants or proletarians). Their hierarchical distinction
was
At the apex of
this
"neither political nor economical
pyramidal society was
but spiritual," says Evola.
the king-pontifex (etymologically, the
pons, pontis), bridging the
ical
Baron Julius
a very radical opposition to the
to Evola, in primordial times or the golden age, soci-
modern world. According
ety
recalls.'^'
maker of
bridge,
two realms of the world, the "becoming" of the phys-
world and the "being" of the metaphysical dimension. The metaphysical
realm
is
the "spiritual-world above and
rial-world
and
it is
prehistory, the rise of rationalism,
reality
beyond
that supports the inferior-mate-
the real principle of life." According to Evola, back in remote
which separated philosophy from
from myth, broke the harmony of the
castes
realms: thus the "involution" of modernity began.
Under
the attack of rational-
ism the world's order, the "Tradition", slowly disintegrated.
this process
of disintegration are the
Greek-Roman world,
the
rise
communal
religion or
and the unity of the two
The main
phases of
of Christianity undermining the Classic
and the Renaissance and
civilization,
Reformation, which destroyed the Middle Ages. In
Evola, the
hegemony passed down from
from these
to the third estate or merchants.
this process,
according to
the religious caste to the warriors
The last
— 97 —
leg
and
of this "regressive" march
Angelo
These
ideas
Principe
mediated through the periodical Ordine nuovo (and per-
haps through the reading of Evola's books including Rivolta contro
among some
moderno) circulated
who were
rades of Toronto's Italia d'Oltremare,
youth movement OA^,
as
A further distinction
The
the leaflet documents.
conception of history and
man and
very
distinguishes
it
title
from Rivolta
fascist
of the
anti-democra-
in Evola's
that in Montreal, a hard core
is
mondo
com-
with the Evolian
in contact
Toronto periodical Tradizione echoes the key word
tic
il
Italian right-wing radicals like the
ideale.
nucleus (veter-
ans of the Petawawa Internment camp, 1940-1945, like Gentile Dieni, one
of about twenty
Italian
who
Canadians
voluntarily enrolled for the fascist
invasion of Ethiopia in 1935-36) had been present there
immigrants to Montreal, such
fresh start,
De
as
Cecco, gave
averted the gross anti-Semitism of their
The
New
hard core nucleus a
which was strongly marked by anti-Semitism. In Toronto, on the
other hand, neo-fascists were, as far as one can
one
this
along.^-
all
of Rivolta ideale was eight
issue
first
side only
and stapled
together.
divided into two parts: the
Montreal while the second
all
tell,
newcomers who
Montreal counterparts.
letter-size sheets
printed on
At the beginning, the periodical was
first part,
pages one to four, was edited in
part, pages five to eight,
was edited
in Toronto.
In every issue in our possession, each page edited in Toronto carried a slo-
gan, popular with fascist veterans. For example,
slogan reads, "Even
others
if all
fail
we keep
on pages
five
and
six
faith to (or by) ourselves;"
was the French Revolution, which opened the door
the
on
to the fourth estate, the ser-
democracy and communism.
vants, with
Confusing technical development with progress, modern
Man
has. Evola argues,
slowly alienated himself from the metaphysical or spiritual realm. Integrating
and mixing
and
social castes
races,
modernity has destroyed the metaphysical
and impure
order, creating an undifferentiated society
social
and
racial
chaos
and socialism and
Man
Man
Odd
its
is
ultimate development
of bastards. This
its
democracy
communism. Consequently Western
has totally lost his divine origin and his "spiritual" and "heroic dimension."
has
as
it
become
the one "dimensional," materialistic
occurs, starting
"homo oeconomicus."
from opposite premises than Evola, Herbert Marcuse
of Frankfurt School arrived
Man.
races
today embodied in both, hberalism and
at the
Evola's "revolt" against
same conclusions. See
his
O?ie-Dimentional
modernity implies, then, a return
to "Tradition,"
pyramidal society, by returning to the spiritual value of the castes and the
ferentiation
and purity of the
races.
However,
races should not be
dif-
understood in
the "scientific-biological" sense, which, according to Evola, are only "idols of
nineteenth-century Positivism."
The Darkest Side of the Tascist
Internment of Italian-Canadians," 76-98.
"^^See Principe,
— 98 —
Years,
71; Bruti Liberati,
"The
Centring the
page seven
to
it
and servants
reads, "cowards
God," on page eight the slogan
was coined on the
basis
Pi:rii'iii:ry
are not
is
of the
of
from your
derives
articles edited in
fascists
word
is
illegible]
This
called loyalty."
of the Nazi motto, "SS man, your honour
loyalty" which, according to Evola, echoes an ancient
honour
[a
...
"our honour
is,
your
is
Saxon maxim, "Every
In tune with the slogan, the content
loyalt)^."''^
Toronto ohen contrasts and compares the loyalty
with the betrayal of
anti-fascists.
In the subtitle, Rivolta ideale declares itself to be an "anti-communist
paper dedicated to the struggle against international bol-
Italian workers'
shevism and
Christianity.
all
those forces that postulate the end of races, nations, and
It
stands for the triumph of the fundamental principles of
nation, state, justice,
fascists
both
in
and fatherland
Patria. In the article "Idee e
might be considered
programmi"
emphatically state what they
call their
capitalist-Bolshevik society."
vision of the world entails
attitudes;"
and
society,
Italian
Rivolta
is
vision of the
"antagonistic to the present
what
to explain
for;
namely
this
new
1) "... a stern
on the authority of the
a
state
community of blood.
stood against democracy,
ideale
they
manifesto,
democratic, decadent and laughable
its
2) "a society based
synthesis,
and programs), which
"new revolutionary
and what they stand
purged of
Canadian neo-
their loyalty to the
political
They then go on
should guide the national community,
In
(Ideas
and
ideological
their
world." Echoing Evola's ideas, their world
and disciplined
The
{Patria).''
Montreal and Toronto emphasized
—
the state
"'^'*
bolshevism,
Judaism, Freemasonry, and blacks whose objective had been, according to
the periodical, to drain the strength
Aryan
race."
From
the
first issue
and undermine the leading
on,
its
race.
prepare a 'NEW
We want the individual to be con-
scious of himself and of his duty to the national
"We do
ber or a machine as democracy and
destroy Christian unity,
Moving beyond
community." Again echoing
not want him [the individual] to be a
fight against all those international
of the
"We want and we
gy clearly and without ambiguity:
ORDER' for all nations of the white
Evola's views they say,
"role
editors expressed their racist ideolo-
communism
conceive
him
to be.
powers that for centuries have
the concept of Patria,
and
loyalty
num-
to
We
tried to
race."'^5
nationalism, the editors' concept of loyalty had expanded to
include race.
True to
its
anti-Semitic program. Rivolta ideale published a long two-
'^^Germinario, Razza del Sangue, 34.
^^ Rivolta ideale 1.1 (Oct.-Nov. 1964):
3.
^^ Rivolta ideale 1.1 (Oct.-Nov. 1964):
2.
— 99 —
Angelo Principe
De Cecco, reviewing Giovanni
An excommunicated Catholic priest, Preziosi was
part article by the editor Vittorio
and work.
life
infamous among
He saw Jews
of the
Italian supporters
of anti-Semitism during the
among
plotting against Italy everywhere, even
fascist party, in
which he was
isolated
Preziosi's
the
most
fascist era.
the leading core
and despised by almost every
one. For example, the most extreme and anti-Semitic leader, Roberto
Giovanni
Farinacci, described his collaborator
racist
but a filthy Jew in his
soul."^<^
Preziosi enjoyed
integral
some macabre
during the second phase of fascism, the fascism of Mussolini's
tige
pying Northern
Preziosi
and
The
Italy.
his wife
When
jumped
on 25 April 1945, partisans
to their death out of their
apologetic articles reviewing Preziosi's
course in racism
[racial
knowledge] and
be given to our members in the future
after him."''^ In
life
name we
lowing statements: "In his [Preziosi's]
now under
pres-
Italian
which was created and dominated by the Nazi army occu-
Social Republic,
cy,
as "an
Preziosi,
"
freed Milan,
apartment window.
conclude with the
social politics; a course
and
fol-
are going to establish a
which
will
club of revolutionary poli-
"a
study by our youth group, will be constituted and
named
De Cecco
reviews
another issue o^ Rivolta
ideale, the editor
the thought of Alfred Rosenberg, the leading official Nazi theorist of the
Aryan
race's superiority, ''^
giving a European reading of Rosenberg's strict-
pan-German view of the Aryan race. Furthermore, De Cecco criticizes
the Roman Catholic Church for charging the Nazi revival of pre-Christian
ly
religious rites as "pagan":
phenomena. According
them with
their proper
"The Church
to us this
is
pagan these
calls
not exact.
name, returning
would be
It
to the origin:
socio-political
better to call
SOLAR CULTS
were celebrated one millennium before Christ. They are not
Church makes
its
faithful followers believe.
They
evil' as
the
are manifestations of a
mystical religion, adoring the Divine Being dominating the
Cosmos. "'^^
Eventually the collaboration between the Toronto and Montreal neofascist
why.''"
groups came to an end, although
not
it is
known
exactly
when
or
Perhaps the Toronto group was not ready to follow the crude and
unarticulated racist stand taken in Montreal. Perhaps they believed in a
'*"Roberto Farinacci, quoted by Giorgio Bocca,
^'^
Rivolta ideale 5.5
^^ Rivolta ideale
^"^
7.
\
(May
1968):
La
repubblica di Mussolini, 205.
5.
(Jan.-Feb. 1970): 6-7.
Rivolta ideale 7 A (Jan.-Feb. 1970): 6.
^"Unfortunately Stefano Sinicropi,
severally sick
and has
lost his
who
could explain the end of the collaboration,
memor)' and
lucidity;
— 100 —
and
De Cecco
died recendy.
is
Centring the Periphery
more
form of racism, the racism of the soul formulated by
refined
Evola.^'
Another important difference between the two groups was
Montreal, Unità
had contacts with other non
italica
extremist and racist groups, 5- while, as far as one can
d'Oltremare confined
tell,
and contacts within the
its activities
in
Toronto's Italia
Italian
commu-
At the same time, Toronto's young and more mature right-wing
nity. ^3
militants of Italia d'Oltremare began to publish their
Tradizione, in 1970.
subtitle reads: "Internal
Its
produced with the same parsimonious means
ending
"Appunti
his
sulla
non sono
forma interna,
essere nostra
'aria
è evidente
presentano, e
massima
used for Rivolta
morfologia spirituale. Analisi dell'anima ebraica,"
che
ai
si
tratta di
ma
limitati all'elemento ebraico,
umanità detta
periodical,
Bulletin of the
Even Tradizione was
initially
Evola wrote: "Specie in fatto di dissociazioni interne, di
dirittura e di
own
Monthly
Traditionalist Cultural Centre 'Italia d'Oltremare" ."
^Mn
that
Italian right-wing
mancanza
come una
di
che anche molti esponenti della
nostri giorni più che mai. Cosi
colpire l'Ariano 'ebreo'
per destino; combattere l'Ebraismo
labilità, di
fenomeni che, purtroppo,
prima dell'Ebreo
tale
dovrebbe
per razza e
possibilità negativa latente
anche
nell'uomo non ebreo e capace di emergere e di predominare in ogni periodo di
prima
crisi,
in
uomini
di portare unilateralmente l'attenzione sull'Ebraismo che
di determinata razza del corpo," Evola, Testi di
^^For example, under the
1968, nella locale Casa
marzo 1919,
"Le nostre
title
d'Italia,
in quell'anno
si
incarna
'Ordine Nuovo,' 43.
we read, "sabato 18 marzo
commemorato la data del 28
attività,"
l'Unità Italica ha
venivano fondati a Milano, in Piazza San Sepolcro
i
Combattimento" da Benito Mussolini. Alla cerimonia erano presenti i
membri dell'associazione, più alcuni camerati Ungheresi, Canadesi e Rumeni. Il
Capo dell'Unità Italica V. De Cecco ha illustrato in un breve discorso il signifi"Fasci di
cato della storica data.
di Ferro
Il
Prof Emile Mircea Horia, ex appartenente
Rumena, ha poi presentato
e
commentato
blicazione, Restauration chrétienne nel quale egli
iste e
5^0n
massoniche nella chiesa
di
Roma."
il
denuncia
Rivolta ideale
alla
Guardia
suo libro di recente puble
(May
infiltrazioni
1968):
marx-
8.
Sunday, 29 July 1973, the Western Guard Party invited Italians to attend a
Mussolini's birthday. As far as we know (we were demon260 Ashdale Avenue) no Italian attended that rally. The
Western Guard distributed a leaflet announcing the meeting. It was headed with
the words IL DUCE in solid large letters and bore a photograph of Mussolini
commemoration of
strating there,
amono
his
at
comrades.
The photograph was framed between two large fasces. The
"Domenica 29 luglio 1973. The Western Guard
caption under the picture reads,
Party organizzia
gli interessati
[sic]
un ricevimento
sono cordialmente
in
onore del compleanno del Duce. Tutti
invitati al
rinfresco gratis. Per informazioni chiamare
260
di
Ashdale Ave. Sarà servito un
466-3446. Prezzo d'ingresso $2.00."
Except for the word organizzia, an obvious typographical
guage of the announcement
is
error, the Italian lan-
correct and that of a native speaker.
— 101 —
Angelo Principe
machine and
ideale: a duplicating
The
legal-size sheets stapled together.
editor was Stefano Sinicropi, assisted by
Antonio
lozzo, then a university
and Domenico Capotorto.
Although it shared the same ideals professed by
student,
zione was
more
according to
Italia
refined in presenting
its
program and
its
and directed
editor(s), solely cultural
d'Oltremare and
its
goals,
to the
which were,
membership of
As mentioned. Tradizione did not
supporters.
its
Rivolta ideale. Tradi-
fos-
ter the gross anti-Semitic and anti-racial slurs or the brash arrogance dis-
played by Rivolta
a
poem by
French
In the
two short
piece,
issue included
articles,
Roman Emperor
assassination of the
and
However, the ideological
first
first
been executed by the
philosopher Giovanni Gentile, and an historical page,
fascist
best expressed in
who had
of Evola's book Lo yoga della potenza, a note com-
di Marzo,'' about the betrayal
Julius Caesar.
is
For example, the contents of the
resistance, a review
memorating the
''Idi
ideale.
the French poet Robert Brasillach
basis
of the group
Italia
d'Oltremare
"Tradizione" and "Precisazione."
which defines what they mean by the word
ne," the Evolian concept
tied to a sense
is
of hopeless
"tradizio-
stoic resignation:
For us tradizione is not an empty word detached from the realit)' of the
modern world. It is a powerful force, which has, throughout the centuries, been embodied in highly civilized Republics, Monarchies and
Empires. The essence of tradizione that we refer to is a spiritual conception of life and world in which Man is not considered only in his imma-
nent existence but
as a
being belonging to a transcendental dimension
religious dimension). In this
dimension,
Man
men were
the highest peak of his interior boundless potential ([these
considered] semi-gods in the Orient, heroes in Greece and
for the believers, great artists
It
and statesmen
(a
has the power to ascend to
Rome,
Saints
[today?]).
man of "tradition" is his life
Roman Empire was shared by
citizen of Rome (Urbe).
follows that an essential element for the
way of life, which in
Emperor to the humble
style, that stern
all,
from the
The Modern
the
by the psychosis of
era, characterized
naturalistic egalitari-
anism, has lost the vision of those principles and the possibility of their
return
is
illusory.
hundred
In the last
years, a swelling tide,
which has been defined
as
World conflict, the residual resistance of
Germany and Japan); and the tide has become un-
progress, smashed, in the last
the last rebels
(Italy,
containable.
To appeal
to the tradizione
that [stern]
life style,
major achievement
^^Tradizione
restates this
1.1
today
shall
be to
(March-April 1970):
argument
is
the
last
and extreme attempt
which made the ancient empires
resist
1;
in II faro 1.1 (31
great, in
an
to recreate
Elite
whose
the egalitarian world in dissolution.'''^
in a
note
titled "Riflessioni," Sinicropi
Dec. 1971): 10.
— 102 —
Centrinc; THF. Pfriphhry
«...C'è
I
ancora gnnle.
ci
sono ancora
popoli e razzo, uomini sollanto. torse.
I
in
quesla docnnipnsla Europa,
di
sentire con orgoglio,
capaci
f,
con
dignità,
con
l'Impegno assunto
con lierezza,
stoicismo
titanico
di
ironie
alla
Tradizione...»
Certainly stated unintentionally, the phrase, "the possibility of their
return
on
is
illusory,"
Evola's esoteric
The second
is
perhaps the most destructive criticism ever inflicted
conception of "tradition."
piece, "Precisazione," states Italia d'Oltremare s reaction to
the news that Pino Rauti and
MSI. True
and
some other
to Evola's teaching, the
rejection of
modernity was
leaders of
Toronto
total:
ON had re-joined the
radical activists' opposition to
once again
their stoic despair
and
sense of defeat dominate the written page as they maintained that cor-
rupted democracy had
"submerged everything." Signed by Stefano
— 103 —
Angelo Principe
Sinicropi, the piece reads:
who
to those
repeatedly invite us to continue our struggle under the
Flame [symbol of the MSI] and within the M.S.I,
we
tinuing our sterile struggle alone,
[sic]
rather than con-
reaffirm our ideas: our struggle
is
against the system. Since the M.S.I, has definitively set itself within the
demo-party system [note the ambiguity of the truncated word 'demo',
which might stand
no use
for
either for democratic or
such a party. In
flood has submerged every one,
tive
of Ordine Nuovo have given in and re-joined the M.S. I., there
much
the
demonic or both], we have
moment when the democratic
and even many comrades of the execu-
this particular
left for
way
us to
do except
indicated by those
However, not
all
the
to be loyal to
who
our
ideals:
is
not
we continue on
sacrificed their life for the idea. ^5
members oï Italia d'Oltremare shared
Sinicropi's
views since the Association and even Sinicropi himself became involved in
promoting
// Faro, as
we
shall
soon
see.
lems of Italians in Canada were ignored.
latter more than the former,
community affairs. The probThe discussion on the future of the
world (which was supposed to be a new
social order
Neither Rivolta ideale nor Tradizione, the
had any
interest in
mind and
leading
its
Canadian public
from communal
their alienation
or
engine) was so abstract that
than a universal view of the world.
Italian
life
One
with the Aryan race
seemed
can argue that
a state of
life,
it
as
a tribal, rather
this
was a sign of
mind common
many
to
immigrants, as noted above, and an indication that there was no
Canadian
them
political party for
word and
beliefs,
some of
to dialogue with.
men
the
However, true to
involved in publishing
their
Tradizione
remained an example of the probity and the stern and anti-modern and
'decadent'
for
way of life they preached:
The comrades of Montreal
Italia
did not share the stoic stand of Toronto's
d'Oltremare and approved the use of violence against what they con-
communist
sidered the
ical fringes,
aggression of Italy. Echoing like-minded Italian rad-
Rivolta ideale supported Italian right-wing groups meeting the
communists on
their
own ground,
of Marxists elaborate plans
Nations
[...]
ed Rivolta
and
violence with violence: "While
act to
all
shades
dominate the World and the weak
the right-wing forces are wasting time in long discussions and
useless polemics
"^"^
the siren song of riches had no allure
them.
ideale.
on what
Then
it
to do!
There
is
too
much
goes on to state that, "It
Tradizione 1.1 (March-April 1970): 3.
— 104
talking in Italy," lamentis
necessary to act, to do
Centring the Periphery
something. Be politically and
already understood
ready to
We don't
act.
also militarily ready! [...J
...
what we allude
need to
spell
our reader has
and what we mean when we say being
to
out in
it
detail. [...] If
communists
are
organizing armed bands under the instruction of Albanian and Chinese
on our national
agents
{stare
con
ed. ^^
But
ideale.
1969
mani
le
in
cent of
them committed by
While
wave of
this
monthly
in Italy, the
(December
Ugo
of political violence
it
conclud-
Pecchioli,
in Italy,
"from
with 83 per
neo-fascists. "57
neo-fascist violence
II faro
With
31).
acts
us,"
not need to be incited by Rivolta
for the Messiah: according to
1975 there were 4,384
twiddle our thumbs
Messiah to save
for the
Italian right-wing militants did
They did not wait
to
we should not
territory [...]
mano) waiting
shook the democratic system
appeared in Toronto
at the
this publication, the neo-fascist
very end of 1971
presence was
felt in
the Italian communities in Canada, ending the almost clandestine exis-
tence o^ Rivolta ideale and Tradizione. Skilfully edited by Giuseppe Derin,
a tabloid-size
II faro,
monthly, was financed by the MSI, which hoped
eventually to harvest votes
right to vote
In the
wing
first
if Italian citizens
abroad for elections in
of II
issue
faro,
Derin
Italy, as
listed
journalists as his collaborators
abroad were to be given the
eventually happened in 2002.58
an impressive
from
Italy. It
roll
of reputed right-
included staff writers of
an ambitious conservative monthly magazine, and
// borghese,
at least
one
anti-parliamentarian, Giorgio Pisano, the leader of the revolt of Reggio
Calabria and editor of a most radical monthly titled Candido.'^'^ As corre-
spondent from the United States (though
who
other than Giuseppe Prezzolini,
la
periodical
Columbia
"^^
voce
(1908-16),
University, in
Rivolta ideale 5.5
(May
1968):
was none
had been the editor of the prestigious
past
New York,
retired in Switzerland)
director
of the
Casa Italiana at
and author of several books.
7.
57Drake, "Julius Evola," 89.
5^It
was said
fascists
in the
communit)' that
for the publication
oî IIfaro, the Toronto neo-
received over $50,000.00 from the MSI, but we
are unable either to con-
firm or deny this allegation.
59ln
its
first issue, II
faro published a full-page article by Giorgio Pisano, tided
"Popolo Bue Svegliati" (Wake Up,
charge against
him
a "thief"
Giacomo Mancini,
Ten
Mancini of that
Dumb
Oxen);
p. 9.
The
article
and everything. He repeated
verbal diatribe, against everyone
is
a violent,
his despicable
the leader of the Italian Socialist Party, calling
years later, after a long court case, the court exonerated
vile charge,
but
being replaced by Francesco
in
De
1972
it
cost
him
the leadership of the Party,
Martino. In Mancini's defense see Cozza,
Tecnica di un'aggressione.
— 105 —
Angelo Principe
hTEXACOl
1093 OUPONT ÏT {! e«<
Afino
1
No.
1
-
Joiolìto iCanaàsì 3Ì
Otcembre 197!
Salve, amici
!l£i!él!l2
IL
lettori!
CONSOLE GENERALE ANGELETTI:
SONO UN PROFETA
POPOLO
BUE, SVEGLIATI!
INCHIESTA
IL
IN
AD
iU'Ifalia:
CâLCiO
CANADA
m BIVIO
boia
.,,,,,,,^^3^^..^„. SIAMf^UTTI
DI REGALI:
E..BÌ
MmZIE
E'TmPO
Il faro
was the
wing groups:
Italia
Fruit
of collaboration between the two Toronto right
d'Oltremare and a
colore per gli italiani nel
Giuseppe Derin, an ex
new
neo-fascist
group Comitato
tri-
mondo (CTIM), which was organized and headed by
fascist. The CTIM was the MSI's worldwide associa-
tion headed by Mirko Tremaglia, a veteran of
the RSI, and now (2004)
Minister of Italians Abroad in Bedusconi s second government.
The editor
— 106 —
Centring the Periphery
in-chief was Giuseppe Derin, assisted by Vittorio Coco.
of the editorial board were Alberico Alberici,
The
members
other
Giorgio
Orla,
Attilio
Cubbeddu, Giovanni Declario, Domenico Capotorto, and Stefano
Sinicropi. llfaro\ local editorial board, made up of members of the two neoconfirmed
fascist associations,
reflect the re-joining
their
uneasy accord and, could be said to
of the youth movement
ON with the MSI in
editorial published in the first issue confirms the ideological
reached between the two groups.
point
this
clear: "besides
The
bringing to
repetition of the
mind
entrance of harbours, the masthead Faro
which,
world
in a
in
The
nism
as
symbol of the
is
decadence
is
commumentions
MSI.
It
leaves
values) never
no doubt, however,
makes
clear:
"We
becoming more pronounced, not
entation, there
is
feel that
is
our
in 1945. Because, while
for
one moment have we
one can
no need
read, "regarding
to waste words.
its
It is
civilization. "'^i
Toronto" (Appeal to our
in the note, "Appello ai nostri amici di
friends in Toronto),
that II faro
chaos, the real problems remain unsolved, and moral
doubted that we would once again be useful to Western
And
navigators, sail-
human
primary task did not end with the military defeat
everything around
tradition to
perhaps even
an invective against democracy and
a neo-fascist paper as the following passage
is
makes
lemphasis added]
accomplices in the destruction of
fascism or the neo-fascist
races, or
may look for guidance as
to the lighthouse ^'^'^
(which
editorial
tradizione
the traditional lighthouse at the
also a
decomposition, some nations,
individuals sensitive to spiritual values,
ing in darkness, look
is
word
The
Italy.
compromise
[the papers political] ori-
evident,
isn't it?"^'-
Breaking with the isolation of previous right-wing publications,
11 faro
devoted some space to the problems plaguing the community, making the
paper relevant to Italian Canadian readers regardless of their
entation.
The demise of this monthly
is
to be attributed to a
ferent factors: financial, political, ideological,
mesh of dif-
and personal problems. The
spark that destroyed the precarious unity was
misappropriated for his personal use
political ori-
this:
money from
one individual,
[...],
the group's funds.
To
avoid what they considered a scandal that would reflect negatively on the
entire group, they did not call the police.
impossible.
<^^-'*
This
But
their collaboration
episode caused the latent ideological conflict
became
between
^^11 faro 1.1 (31 Dec. 1971): 3.
^^11 faro 1.1 (31 Dec. 1971):
1.
62//>ra
2.
1.1 (31
Dec. 1971):
^^I learned this from conversations with
some of
the people involved with Italia
d'Oltremare and the publication oï IIfaro (Bedinger, Capotosto, and Mastrangelo).
— 107 —
Angelo Principe
the politically oriented neo-fascists of the
MSI and
the
uncompromising
personal rivalries and financial difficulties, to
compounded by
Ordinovisti,
explode. Since the financial support from Italy did not cover
became too
the economic burden
all
great for the few^ supporters
shaken unity, thus destroying their hybrid child,
expenses,
and
their
II faro.
end oï IIfaro. Occidente appeared. This new monthly was Derin's offspring in every sense: it reflected his personality and his
prudish intolerance, mirroring the above mentioned Roman periodical
Not long
after the
Borghese that Derin was so fond of Nevertheless, there are several interest-
ing differences between these two neo-fascist tabloids. Occidente did not
have the impressive
of collaborators that
list
II faro
boasted. Further, the
scorching ideological criticism against democracy, characteristic of sectari-
an neo-fascist publications, disappeared from the pages of Occidente. The
space devoted to events and problems in the Italian
expanded, although
More
consisted of only 16 pages while
it
importantly. Occidente translated
new
attempt to reach the
some of
election
key
II faro
articles into
had had 28.
English in an
generation of Italian Canadians and probably
the non-Italian conservatives. In the 1975 Ontario's provincial
it
supported the Progressive Conservative Party and some of
candidates advertised their
Like
its
community was
name with
Occidente v^zs a
IIfaro.
engaged in polemics with
all
lively,
its
paid ads.
though
at times, waffling journal. It
the Italian Canadian publications: Forze
nuove, Il Corriere canadese, Mosaico, Il giornale di Toronto, Il samaritano,
and even with
beyond
CHIN
a fierce
Radio.
Though
urban polemic with
forceful
its
and sharp,
opposed multiculturalism. Upholding a strong
could not understand an open society
never went
it
political adversaries.
like the
Occidente
all-centralizing state,
it
one sought and explored by
it singled out and
Canadian multiculturalism. As a conservative newspaper
stood against what were considered the
women's
forth.
liberation,
The
homosexual
evils
of modern, decadent society:
rights, abortion, sexual education,
editor could not understand that his
dream of an
and so
old, nine-
teenth-century repressive society was disappearing. In an editorial that
sounds
like
an instigation to violence, he wrote:
Two
are the roots of
consecrated by
all
being; the second
historical
and
man on
is
enemy,
^^ Occidente
1.1
is
to take
up the cudgel in
sum of all
[emphasis added]
Apr. 1975): 2.
— 108
the
world of today the
their defence. International
the struggle, because international and frightful
^'^
first is
the aspirations of our entire
the sense of the nation-state, the total
Communism.
(1
Family and Country. The
all
cultural experiences of a people. In the
hour has certainly come
and incessant
this earth:
the sentiments and
is
the
Cfntrinc; THF Peri PH FRY
ETNA GIFT & RECORD
CENTER
OCCIDENTE
pi:ìuui>k'u di
\ xsriNSIMU
ASSOKTIME.VTU DI KK(;>UJ
f.
BOMBOMEBF. ffM Tl'TTE LE OCCASIONI
wiutka e di costume
SECOND
CLA:SI|
MAlt
.VO
:
L'ONORE D'ITALIA
Clearly Occidente and
its
editor mutilated the old triad of
God,
Country and Family, by leaving out God: a state of affairs interestingly at
odds with traditional conservatism. Changes had infiltrated even the conservative, neo-fascist citadel: the editor wanted to stop social changes,
although he was not even able to stop the change that had invaded his own
conscience.
— 109 —
Angelo Principe
The
in
1972 was received with euphoric
"VITTORIA TRICOLORE",
the
Toronto, cele-
local neo-fascists. In a leaflet distributed in
enthusiasm by
brating
MSI
of the
electoral success
missini
local
(neo-fascists)
wrote:
when a great dream ended in the blood of betrayed
we have been waiting for a new day. We have felt the pain of
and the humiliation of insult, but we stood strong because we have
Ever since that day
fighters,
defeat
been certain
that,
although everything was crumbling around
us, as a
new day would come
for Italy
consequence of that ruinous
^
night,*^?
and Europe. And we have waited patiently
these long years.
all
We
have
waited for a signal, a song, or echo of a stamping foot breaking the
silence of the night as a
promise of redemption.
for Italy to find her face
and soul or
We
for the Italians to find an idea
from Rome,
Bari etc. comes the
a flag. Finally,
from noble
spark, the
promise of recovery and redemption.
first
Sicily,
once again, the eternal value of
Movimento
The
their civilization
by
and
first
have found,
Italians
rallying
behind the
sociale italiano.
ftiture
The June 1976
have waited either
is
now
ours.^''
election in Italy
and the Ontario
previous year (in which four Italian Canadian
Tony Grande, Tony
Lupusella,
election in
socialists,
September of the
Odoardo Di
and Ross McClelland, had been
Santo,
elected to
Queen's Park) created conditions profoundly different from those existing on
both
sides
of the ocean in the early 1970s.
communist party and
election in Italy,
dashed
all
militant neo-fascists.
fascist press in
is
the crushing defeat of the
which provoked
It
Ontario, although
Fascista
it
to the long wait in political limbo; or
refers.
Perhaps 25 July 1943,
it
might
some other unknown
issue
of II faro 2.5 (31
refer
legal
when
the
power
to
metaphorically
event.
May
1972) was print-
an exulting tone, the editors discussed in detail the electoral success of the
"Destra nazionale."
the
72"
for the neo-
agonised for two more years.
approved a motion to give the king the
*^^A "Speciale: Elezioni Italiane
1976 national
and extinguished the enthusi-
dismiss Mussolini and order his arrest; or perhaps
ed. In
in the
was the beginning of the end
not clear to which "night" the writer
Gran Consiglio
MSI
victory of the
a serious split in the neo-fascist party,^''
the hopes of the right-wing leaders
asm of local
"^It
The resounding
word Fascism
or
From
this issue
MSI and
on,
refer to
it
II faro
as the
and then Occidente avoid using
"Destra nazionale."
^^17 out of 35 Members of Parliament, 9 out of 15 Senators, 13 out of 40
Regional councilors, 51 out of 160 Provincial Councilors left the MSI and
founded Democrazia nazionale (National Democracy).
— 110 —
Centring ihh Periphery
No
one regretted the termination ot these pubhcations. Since they had
had no pohtical party
community was
Canada
in
negUgible.
impact on the
to dialogue with, their
They were
faithful followers
of a "religion with-
out a church." Rivolta ideale and Tradizione had a very limited readership
of fewer than two hundred persons
all
together in Montreal and Toronto
with Montreal commanding the largest portion.
II faro
and Occidente mus-
tered a larger readership because of their appeal to nostalgia for the country
of origin and to anti-communist sentiments in tune with both
Canadian
politics
and
When, soon
Italian Catholicism.
Derin died and Occidente folded, only very few
after,
Giuseppe
Canadians noted
Italian
their passing.
Conclusion
This cursor)' analysis of the
entire political
extreme
Italian
spectrum was
right. Political
and
Canadian
radical press has
social events in Italy
and
sphere impacted on the condition of Canada's Little
and
logical reactions
among
political initiatives
their obvious ideological differences, the basic
tion between the
ceived themselves
left-
and
shown
from the extreme
fully represented,
the
in the international
Italys,
Italian
that the
left to
stimulating ideo-
immigrants. Besides
and most important
distinc-
and the right-wing publications was the way they perItalian
ulated their political activities
immigration to Canada, and
and conditioned
this in
their relation
turn stim-
with and with-
in society at large, reinforcing their respective ideological orientations.
The
left-wing activists viewed Italian immigration to
manent. Hence, they
ileges
felt
citizen in the land,
improving the Canadian way of life
all,
as per-
that Italians, being neo-Canadians with the priv-
and duties of every other
and, above
Canada
should get involved
for they considered
their childrens country.
Canada
their
in
own
Their papers were essentially creat-
ed in response to the economical and social conditions existing in the
immigrant community, even though
initially
they framed local conditions
within their originally Italian cultural and political experience.
// lavoratore,
the
first
radical paper to appear
on the
Italian
Canadian
scene in the period under examination, mirrored the social conditions on
site as
well as the political alignments in
socialists
Italy.
Local collaboration between
and communists of the Gramsci Club
action pact" existing in Italy between the socialist
during and for some years
after the
paralleled the "united
and communist
Second World War.
parties
Socialist-inspired
and Avanti! Canada, were interested
mainly in the immigrant workers' problems and in Canadian politics; their
link with the Italian Socialist Party was tenuous and mainly cultural. It can
periodicals.
La
parola. Forze nuove
— Ill —
Angelo Principe
be argued that, in a certain way, these publications reflected the Itahan
SociaUst Party ending the "united action pact," regaining
poHtical inde-
its
pendence, and entering, in a subordinate position, into the government
circle
with the Christian Democratic
La
its
with a quasi anarchist matrix unleashed
carota, a scathing periodical
stinging criticism within the Italian
and
early '70s.
On
and the reformist
that
hand
the orthodox
emerged
XX Congress of the
after Nikita
Russian
Krushchev's shocking rev-
Communist
Party and the bru-
Hungarian invasion of 1956. These publications were
ideological perspective, keenly
and mainly
each from
all,
its
economic and
interested in the
problems of Italian immigrants.
social
The
right-wing activists and their publications took an opposite stand.
For them nationalism and loyalty to
mined
soul
happened
editorial policy.
though hospitable country:
in a foreign
"
was paramount
The right-wing
immigrant community in general
and
themselves and of the
working
Italy
—
these deter-
of Italian emigration to Canada and consequently
their perception
their personal stand
my
say,
1960s
late
communist Lotta unitaria
Nuovo mondo mirrored the fracture of Italian and interthe other
communism
national
elations at the
community and, one might
and international student movement of the
reflected the local
tal
Party.
"I
editors thought of
abroad,
as Italians
have changed
sky,
not
was the slogan appearing on the masthead of Tradizione. What
in Italy
was therefore of primary importance
Canadian events were of marginal or of no
ed directly to what was happening
interest at
all
them, while
to
unless they relat-
in Italy or in the international sphere
of
East/West confrontation.
Rivolta ideale
was an anti-Semitic and
ological roots in the
Salò.
The crude anti-Semitism of
and Tradizione were both parochial
pers
Italian
open
to
Canadians,
II faro
its
ide-
fascist republic in
and Occidente. While Rivolta
ideale
bulletins ignoring completely the prob-
and Occidente were
full-fledged
newspa-
problems facing the community. They too were interested
what was going on
mainly
in
visceral
form of anticommunism and
Most of their
publication with
Rivolta ideale vanished from the other
three newspapers: Tradizione, Li faro,
lems of
racial
most extremist group of Mussolini's
readers
in Italy
and shared with
a
marked
their predecessors a
social conservative stand.
and supporters were mainly people who,
for whatev-
er reason— professional or sentimental— failed to integrate or resisted inte-
gration in the
new
country. There were however
some
potential
pre-war emigrants and second-generation Italian Canadians,
allies, like
who
support-
ed the Progressive Conservative Party, but the violent verbosity of these
newspapers kept them
at bay.
— 112 —
Centring the Periphery
The newspapers of these two groups were not monoHthic. There were
differences within each group and within each periodical as well. The ideas
they expressed and the socio-political views they advanced were as diverse
as the individuals
involved within each publication and within the chang-
ing context of the Little Italys in
Canada
in
which they operated. In the
long run, however, the right-wing publications and their local organizations bore
little fruit
while the left-wing newspapers and their organiza-
more permanent mark on the life of the community as the
results of the recent Canada-wide election for the "Comitati degli Italiani
all'estero" {Comités) prove. Comités are local consultative organisms, which
tions left a
the Italian government recognizes as legal representatives of
abroad.
The
Canada
in the Spring
of the four
election for the Comités
was held
of 2004. The centre-left coalition
Italian consular areas:
citizens
its
for the first time ever in
won
in every
one
Montreal, Toronto, Edmonton, and
Vancouver.68 This also reveals that the problems which the Italian radical
publications debated in the
today.
last
half of the twenty century
Although the approach may be
passionately engage a
new
different the issues are
generation of Italian Canadian
still
still
persist
alive
and
activists.
Toronto, Ontario
WORKS CITED
Radical Periodicals:
Avanti! Canada, (monthly, June 1975-76)
Left Wing:
La
carota (weekly,
January-November 1969)
Forze nuove (monthly, October, 972-82)
II lavoratore
(monthly, December 1958-61)
^^In the consular area of Montreal, there were 12,588 eligible votes.
of the centre-left coalition was overwhelming, receiving almost
The
the
centre-left
list
La
list,
All'ascolto della
tre-right
list.
nostra Italia, received
The
victory
70% of the votes.
8,717 votes or 69.25% of the
total,
comunità received 3,260 votes or 25.90%, and the cen-
Viva Thalia, came in a poor third with only 61
1
votes or
4.85% of
the total. In the consular area of Toronto, out of 22,727 eligible votes, the centre-left list. Progetto
right coalition
list.
Italia-Canada, received 10,958 votes or 48.2%, the centre-
Viva lltalia, received 10,129 votes or 44.6%, and a third
Unione Cristiana Italiani nel
Mondo (UCIM),
Vancouver there was a combined
list
without a specific
received 5,047 votes out of a total of 5,847 that
Edmonton, the
centre-left
list.
is
93%
Progetto Italia-Canada,
the centre-right only one seat.
— 113 —
list,
received 1,640 votes or 7.2%. In
political orientation.
of the
won
It
eligible vote. In
9 out of 12 seats and
Angelo Principe
Lotta unitaria (Monthly, April 1977)
Nuovo mondo (monthly, 1 977)
La parola (monthly, 1963-64)
Right Wing:
Il faro
December
(monthly,
Occidente (monthly,
May
1
97 1 - 1 974)
1975-?)
Rivolta ideale (bimonthly, 1964-?)
Tradizione {monûAy, 1970-71)
Other Newspapers: Corriere canadese
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Canadian
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Fly UP